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Vol. I. 

FEBRUARY, 1877. 


No. 2 


, Illlll 97 5.6 T 

3 1833 01736 4594 6u76A 


y % 


Army of the East, j 


Army of the West. 





'"' ' 'I ' l| l M 




' 1 ■ ' 



j April, 1862. 

S Shiioh, Tennessee. 

May, 1863, ' 
Chanceliorsviile, Va. 


'PUGU SHEO *r FALksC H. >V C ' 8? ' S. O POO L EDITOR. 3 f 


Totiolo or Contents : 

1. Causes which Produced the War— Part II. "By Rev. John Paris, 129 

2. Lee and Jackson — An Eloquent Eulogium. By Gen. Logan, 144 

3. A Confederate Heroine. By the Editor, 14(5 
4.. Treatment of Prisoners. By Col. Wharton J. Green. 148 
5 Release of Jefferson Davis. By George Shea, from JV. Y. Tribune, 157 

6. Reply to Blaine. By Jefferson Davis, . 165 

7. Reply to Sherman. By Gen. G. T. Beauregard, 170 

8. Letter from Gen. Jnbal A. Early, 173 

9. Farewell to Johnson's Island— Poetry. By Asa Hartz, 183 

10. Battle of Gettysburg. Continued. 184' 

11. The Escape of the Florida from Mobile Bay. By Tennie Mathews, Jr.. 219 
12 Our (the Florida's) First Prize. By Tennie Matliews, Jr., 22* 

13. "Bonny Kate"- -A New Serial, Chapters I and II, written expressly for 

us, by Christian Reid, author of Morton House, Valerie Aylmer. A 

Question of Honor, &c, &c, - 229 

14. Letter from Gen. James II. Lane. 247 

15. Diary of a Young Lady, / 253 


Office of Southern Historical Monthly, 

Raleigh, X. C. , February 15, 1877. 

In Januar}* 187(3, the initial number of our Magazine, was printed ; but 
owing to financial troubles to the absorbing interest aroused by the early open- 
ing of the Centennial Exhibition, and the great political excitement of the then 
pending Presidential election, it was deemed advisable to take no other steps to- 
wards the circulation of the Magazine than a partial distribution of the first num- 
ber and the procurement of an endorsement of the enterprise by leading men of 
the South. The present number, which was also printed last year, but not cir- 
culated for reasons above stated, is now being distributed. The recent passage 
of the Electoral Bill by Congress, and its approval by the President, having re- 
moved all danger of trouble growing out of the Presidential question, after mature 
consideration it has been determined to continue the publication of the Magazine. 
The March number, 1877, will be issued Marcii 20th, and succeeding numbers 
regularly thereafter. * >-. 

This note is given in explanation of the date on page 129. 


Historical Monthly. 

Vol. L] FEBRUARY, 1S7G. [No. 2. 



From "The Soldier's History of the War," 



Violent Opposition to the Fugitive Slave Law — The Temper of Congress 
in 1850 — Struggle for the Speakership — " The Helper Book'' — Per- 
sonal Liberty Bills — Great Discord in the Democratic Party in 1SG0 
— TJte Black Republican Party Nominate and Elect Sectional Can- 
didates — Their Platform of Principles — Difference of Opinion in 
the South with Regard to a Proper Course of Action — South Carolina 
Secedes — Fort Movltrie is Evacuated- — TJte Other Cotton States Se- 
cede — A Peace Congress Convenes ed Washington — Its Efforts Abor- 
tive — The Seceded States form a Confederate Government — Duplicity 
of Mr. Lincoln. 

6|! f PON the meeting of Congress in December, 1859, it was 
|4i I ! apparent from the temper of that body, which is always 
WJj^regareled as reflecting the popular mind, that the country 
^V was fast drifting upon the dangerous rocks of revolution. 
John Brown and his comrades in crime had just been executed. 
Resolutions of enquiry into the character and complicity of his 
raid, were introduced into the Senate. 

On the part of the South, the patient endurance of every lover 
of the country was well nigh exhausted. The compromise meas- 
ures of 1850 had failed to produce peace, or restore confidence, 
because the fugitive slave law was almost powerless in the face of 
Abolition opposition, and could only be enforced by the officers 
of the law supported by arms ; and kidnappers continued to pros- 
ecute with activity the business of carrying off slaves by the 
operations of the " Underground Railroad" as they generally 
termed their mode of business. The Dred Scott decision of the 
Supreme Court, was generally denounced and opposed by the 
Black Republican party, and the Abolitionists of every shade of 
opinion, had become identified with it ; and to crown the whole, 

130 Southern Historical Monthly. 

that party, emboldened by its increasing strength and political 
power, was boldly proclaiming its purpose of excluding slavery 
from all territories of the public domain, while almost every State- 
Legislature in the North had passed acts, termed personal liberty 
bills, in order to defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law 
enacted by Congress. 

In the House of Representatives, Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, was 
nominated for Speaker by the Northern party. This man was 
particularly objectionable to the South, by his being identified 
with the Abolitionists, but more especially by his endorsement 
of an incendiary book of the most fanatical character, called 
" The Irrepressible Conflict." It was written by a renegade North 
Carolinian. In his earlier days his moral deportment was con- 
sidered good ; indeed his antecedents were said to be commenda- 
ble. But quitting the State that gave him birth, and becoming 
identified in his associations with the Abolition schoolmen, he 
ventured to pen and publish the infamous volume which gave 
him a widespread notoriety. The character of the book may be 
summed up in these words : A shameless slander upon and insult 
to the South ; a libel upon her morals, her institutions, and her 
laws; the production of hatred, and the creature of falsehood ,- 
constituting a brand of lasting infamy upon its author. The 
book had been widely circulated at the North. So well adapted 
was it to the Northern fancy, that it had been recommended by as 
many as sixty -eight members of Congress. The character of the 
hook, and the favor with which it was received at the North, in 
connection with John Brown's raid, constituted a matter of some 
moment with the Southern people. The struggle for the Speak- 
ership in the house was animated, bitter and protracted. After 
a lapse of several weeks, in unsuccessful efforts to elect a speaker 
in the person of Mr. Sherman, his name was withdrawn, and a 
candidate .was brought forward and elected, from the same party. 
But a most unhappy and dangerous impression had been made 
upon the country. The spirit that prevailed in the Congressional 
halls was impressed upon the country, and like a contagion it 
spread far and wide. Everything conspired to show that the 
time had come in which our country was struggling under the 
existence of a political North, and a political South : the former 
endeavoring to limit the rights and destroy the interests of the 

Causes Which Produced the War. 131 

latter, and reduce her to an inferior political condition ; while the 
latter was manfully contending for justice and equality under 
the Constitution, and resisting at every point by lawful means, 
the unjust encroachments made upon her Constitutional rights. 
The political elements of the country had become convulsed. In 
the drawing of party lines, party organizations had become nice 
and exacting. James Buchanan being now President of the Uni- 
ted States, had been elected by a large popular vote from the 
Democratic party. Notwithstanding defection from its ranks, 
and accessions to the Black Republican party, had been going on 
for some time it was still in a condition to have gone into the 
ensuing Presidential election with confidence of success ; but 
when the National Convention of the party met in the city of 
Charleston in April, 1860, to nominate their candidate, they found 
an insurmountable difficulty in their way. They failed to har- 
monize. The platform of principles which had been adopted 
four years before, had ceased to be satisfactory in some quarters. 
Amendments were offered and rejected. Discord prevailed, and 
a part of the Southern delegation withdrew. The Convention 
adjourned to meet in Baltimore in June following. Upon its- 
assembling a contest ensued, and finally a division took place, 
the one party nominating John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, 
for President, and Gen. Jos. Lane, of Oregon, for Vice-President, 
whilst the other division nominated Stephen A. Douglas, of Illi- 
nois, for President, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, for 

The first nomination commanded the support of the great mass 
of the Democratic party of the cotton or slave-holding States. 
The party had been unhappily divided with regard to the powers 
of Congress over slavery in the Territories, its duty to protect 
such property therein ; and also in regard to territorial legislative 
authority over the subject. The Northern wing of the party were 
not willing to go as far as the Southern insisted they should go. 
In May a Convention of a new party organization, or rather the 
old Whig party under a new name, met in Baltimore calling 
themselves the " Constitutional Union party," and nominated as 
their candidates, John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Ed. 
ward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. 

The Black Republican party met about this time in Chicago, 

132 Southern Historical .Monthly. 

and nominated as their candidates, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 
for President, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-Presi- 
dent. This was the first time in the history of the country that 
candidates for the two highest offices known to the Constitution, 
had been brought out from the same section as sectional candi- 
dates. But the time had now come when sectional feeling, sec- 
tional prejudices, and sectional interests were required to override 

In the platform of political principles adopted and set forth by 
this party, they declared that no more slave States should be ad- 
mitted into the Union ; that Congress should prevent the intro- 
duction of slavery into the Territories; and substantially exhibi- 
ted by the enunciation of their principles as therein contained, 
their uncompromising hostility to what the people of the South 
had ever considered their Constitutional rights. The South felt 
that her equality in the Union, and rights under the Constitution, 
were all staked upon the issue of the impending election, which 
was to take place in. November. The result astounded every 
lover of his country. The unhappy results that must arise seemed 
apparent to the mind of every observer of passing events. Mr. 
Lincoln, the candidate of the Black Republican party, had been 
elected. But in only a few of the slave-holding States had he 
received a single vote. In the Cotton States proper not one. He 
had carried the electoral vote of every free State except Xew 

The result of the election in I860 was that Abraham Lincoln 
was elected by a minority of the popular vote. The entire vote 
stood thus: For Lincoln 1,857,200; for Douglas, 1,276,000 : for 
Breckenridge 812.000; and for Bell 735,000. Mr. Lincoln, con- 
sequently, was constitutionally elected President of the United 
States as a sectional candidate, with a platform of principles 
avowedly hostile to the interests and constitutional rights of the 
Slave-holding States. The Black Republican party had tri- 
umphed. Its triumph was the triumph of one sectional party 
over the party for the Union. Such an effort had never been se- 
riously attempted before. But now it was made and success had 
crowned its efforts ; and the future that presented itself to the 
consideration of the people of the South afforded no confidence in 
the hope of peaceful legislation in Congress, or security for their 

Causes Which Produced the War. loo 

rights. Self-preservation is an immutable law that God has en- 
grafted upon the nature of man. When his liberty, his safety, or 
his rights are threatened, or invaded, reason leads us to suspect 
that he will act, and in so doing will adopt such measures, and 
take such steps, as will either avert the danger or secure his 
safety. As it is with individuals, so it is with States. A crisis 
had now arisen with the people of the Southern States. A sec- 
tional party had come into political power. This party was 
pledged to carry on a crusade against the rights of the South, 
and against such crusade the Southern people had no guarantees. 
The Constitution still existed, but it presented to them only a 
feeble barrier of defense. The Supreme Court still existed, but 
its decisions were derided and condemned by the Black Republi- 
can pariy now in power. The fugitive slave law was still upon 
the statute book, but it was almost powerless to return a fugitive 
slave to his owner; and no man with the lights before him, could 
safely attempt to remove with his slaves to any unsettled terri- 
tory of the common domain of the United States. Under these 
circumstances diversity of opinion existed in many of the Slave 
holding States as to the course of action to be adopted. South of 
North Carolina there was almost a general determination to be 
found to withdraw from the Federal Union. Among the Border 
Slave States calmer counsels prevailed. They held that the elec- 
tion of Mr. Lincoln was according to the forms of the Constitu- 
tion, and therefore was not of itself sufficient cause to justify a 
withdrawal from the Union, independent of any other circum- 
stances. They held the opinion that so far as the interests of the 
institution of slavery in the Territories was concerned, nothing 
could be gained even by a successful and independent separate 
organization of the Southern States. Some doubted the right of 
a State to secede from the Union. Others had no doubt of the 
constitutional right. Many thought that the time had now come 
when that right should be exercised. Others thought it would 
be prudent under the circumstances to defer action until some 
further developments should be made by the sectional party 
which was soon to come into power ; or until some further en- 
croachment should be made upon the rights of the South. As 
unity always adds to strength, many insisted that the aggrieved 
States should act in unison and retire from the Union by seceding 

IS 4 Southern Historical Monthly. 

therefrom in a body. Others held the doctrine that inasmuch as 
each one was a sovereign State, it would be more compatible with 
the principles of State sovereignty for each to act separately and 
independently for itself, in withdrawing from the Union ; and if 
it should be necessary, consider the question of union among 
themselves afterwards. The majority of the people of the Border 
Slave-holding States of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Mis- 
souri, with North Carolina and Tennessee, were opposed to seces- 
sion at this time as a remedy for the evils complained of, or a* 
security against the dangers which were apprehended. The 
cause of South Carolina and Georgia, was equally the cause of 
Virginia and Maryland. Their interests were alike. The danger 
which was feared was common to each. Hence one could not 
consistently ignore the cause of another, although she might not 
find herself able to endorse fully the line of policy adopted by 
her sister. Men of experience and of good understanding in na- 
tional affairs, could not fail to see that secession on the part of a 
portion of the States from the Union with the others, must lead 
to bloodshed and war, and consequently, the subject should be 
considered calmly and no rash action attempted. That the gov- 
ernment under which we lived and had prospered as a nation, 
was a legacy to us from our forefathers, and that it was best still 
to appeal to the reason and sober thought of our Northern b:eth- 
ren, who might even at a late hour accord us justice. Others 
held that as each State was sovereign, and as such, that if she 
elected to retire from the Union it would be no cause of war, and 
consequently blood would not follow as a consequence. 

In the North, it had become apparent that a fearful crisis had 
arisen ; but still it was not regarded as one leading to bloodshed. 
The Black Republican party, intoxicated with their success at the 
recent election, and being principally concerned about the spoils 
of official positions, which hope had pointed out to them, heeded 
but little the condition of the country or the attitude of the 
Southern States. Some of the Northern States had said, "let the 
Union slide." Others had asserted that "the South could not be 
kicked out of the Union." Others had derided what they called 
"Southern Chivalry." And the radical wing of the Black Re- 
publican party which was made up of the ultra Abolitionists, 

Causes Which Produced the War. 135 

general 1}' denounced the Constitution of the United States as, <( A 
league with death and an agreement with hell." 

The cloud that had now gathered over the whole land was 
-dark and ominous of nothing but evil. Christians prayed and 
patriots hoped that God in his mercy would spare the country 
the horrors of war, and that discord would be banished and har- 
mony once more prevail, and hope of future good once more in- 
spire joy in the hearts of our countrymen. 

As soon as the election of Mr. Lincoln was known in South 
Carolina, her people appeared to be not only ripe, but ready for 
action. Argument was now deemed useless, as it had been ex- 
hausted, and pending dangers demanded action. A Convention 
of the State met at her capital on the 17th of December, I860. 
Great unanimity of sentiment prevailed among the people and 
that unanimity was reflected by their delegates in the Conven- 
tion. On the 20th, the Convention passed an ordinance of seces- 
sion, declaring before the world that South Carolina had dissolved 
her connection with the Federal Union of the other States. The 
ordinance passed by a unanimous vote, and was proclaimed 
amidst imposing ceremonies and great public rejoicings. The 
action of South Carolina was generally deemed precipitate by the 
people of the Border States; as the cause of each State was the 
same, they held the opinion that a common cause required con- 
cert of action in order to lead to success. But she had made her 
own election in the premises, and she was not expected to retrace 
Ler steps. She had acted, and she was willing to take the respon- 
sibility of her action before the world. She now stood forth as a 
free sovereign State, untrammelled by any alliance or compact 
with any other political power whatever. 

Fort Moultrie, of revolutionary fame, stands a few miles east 
of the city of Charleston, in imposing grandeur, as the guardian 
of the harbor. In this fortification the Federal government kept 
a, garrison, at this time, under the command of Major Anderson. 
On the night of the 26th of December he evacuated the fort, 
spiking its guns, burning the gun carriages, and stores which he 
was not able to carry away, and removed with his entire force to 
Fort Sumter, as a position of greater security. This movement 
was made under the cover of darkness, which, with the spiking 
of his guns, and the burning of his carriages, bore all the charac- 

136 Southern Histoiical Monthly. 

teristic marks of a hostile demonstration. Sumter is situated 
about four miles from the city of Charleston, and three miles 
nearer to it than Moultrie. The fortress is situated in the harbor 
upon a foundation formed of stone sunk for the purpose, and with 
proper armament would command the approach to the city by 
water. This move of Major Anderson, was no doubt in accord- 
ance with his instructions from Government, although it bore all 
the appearance of a hostile menace to the authorities and people 
of Charleston, and could have been dictated, only by unreasona- 
ble fears. 

South Carolina was the smallest of the Southern States, except 
Florida. Vanity and fanaticism prompted the people at the 
North to sneer at the attitude she had taken. Some professed to 
be pleased that she had left the Union, as "she would not be 
missed," they said. Others said, "let her go, her own bleakness 
will drive her back." While others in the true spirit of fanati- 
cism, spoke only of laying her cities in ashes, and driving the 
plough-share of ruin over her fair fields. Mr. Buchanan, Presi- 
dent of the United States, was known to be opposed to the doc- 
trine of secession. Ke had probably done what he believed to be 
his duty in the premises, to maintain the Federal Government 
intact, yet failed to give satisfaction to either the Northern or 
Southern party. But while he was opposed to secession on the 
one hand, he did not believe the Constitution gave him any right 
to coerce a State on the other. This is an opinion held by Mr- 
Madison who was sometimes called the father of the Constitution. 
and likewise entertained by many of his distinguished compeers, 
and statesmen of a later generation. That Mr. Buchanan desired, 
earnestly desired, to close his administration of public affairs 
without the shedding of one drop of blood, there can be no doubt' 
Under the solemn circumstances that now surrounded the coun- 
try, he appointed Friday, January 24th, 1S61, to be set apart as a 
"day of National humiliation, fasting and prayer." 

But the political horizon had grown darker, and one event fol- 
lowed rapidly upon the heels of another. . On the 9th of January, 
1861, Mississippi passed an ordinance of secession, and came out 
of the Union. Alabama and Florida following suit came out on 
the 11th ; Georgia on the 20th ; Louisiana on the 26th, and Texas 
followed on the 1st of February. The spirit of the South had 

Causes M'iticli Produced the War* 137 

been fully aroused. No appeals to reason or judgment were 
heeded. The time for all such had passed ; and '"duty as well as 
interest/' they cried, "demanded action." Thus, in forty-four 
days, the Cotton States had severed their connection with, and 
disavowed all allegiance to the Federal Government; while the 
Border States were seriously disturbed by an exciting ferment. 
The Senators and Representatives from the seceded States were 
abandoning their seats in Congress, and returning home, deliv- 
ering as they left their farewell addresses before the bodies of 
which they were members, and all things seemed to foreshadow 
that a terrible shock was at hand. 

As hope does not readily yield to despair, some of the ablest 
and best statesmen, both North and South, still held to the hope 
that something might be done to ward off the impending dan- 
gers that hung over the country, and effect a peaceful solution of 
the difficulties. On the ISth of December, two days before South 
Carolina passed her ordinance of secession, Mr. Crittenden, of 
Kentucky, offered a series of resolutions in the Senate of the Uni- 
ted States, in view of quieting the distracted state of the country. 
These resolutions proposed tliat the Constitution should be amen- 
ded, so as to contain substantially the following : 

1. That neither Congress, nor a Territorial Legislature shall 
have power to abolish or interfere in. any manner with the insti- 
tution of slavery, south of a certain line. 2. Congress shall not 
have power to abolish the institution in the District of Columbia, 
or in the forts, arsenals or dock yards. It also contained some 
provision for the better security of the owners of fugitive slaves 
against the lawlessness of Northern mobs. The faint hope was 
entertained for a short tim«e, that the propositions of Mr. Critten- 
den would be favorably entertained by the Senate, and that they 
afforded ground upon which all parties might harmonize, but 
unfortunately the}' were lost. Every Senator belonging to the 
Black Republican party which was soon to take the helm of gov- 
ernment and direct the course of the Ship of State, voted against 
them. This was a fatal blow to the hopes of many friends of the 
Union in the Border States, and the}* now regarded every prospect 
of peace or compromise at an end ; while at the same time it 
strengthened the hands of the Secessionists. The Northern party- 
had deliberately voted down the olive branch of peace, and such 

138 ^ Southern Historical Monthly. 

^action under the grave circum stances, clearly and strongly im- 
plied, they wanted no peace and admitted no compromise. 

A few days after the defeat of Mr. Crittenden's resolutions in 
the Senate, the Legislature of Virginia, moved by a spirit worthy 
of the ancient renown ^of the " Old Dominion," adopted a reso- 
lution, which proposed the assembling of a "Peace Congress," of 
the States. This was well, and .kindly received in many quarters. 
and the fast sinking hopes of the friends of peace and Union, 
were somewhat revived. This Peace Congress met in the. City of 
Washington on the 4th of February, 1S01, and continued in ses- 
sion over three weeks. Twenty States had sent representatives 
to this body. They were principally distinguished for talents 
and great experience in political affairs ; and had been selected 
as men holding moderate or conservative views. The venerable 
John Tyler, of Virginia, one -of the Ex-Presidents of the United 
States, was elected President of this grave and important assem- 
blage of the friends of peace. The Peace Congress, finally, after 
much deliberation, agreed upon certain propositions, differing but 
little from the Crittenden resolutions, as amendments to the Con- 
stitution of the United States, which were to be approved by 
Congress, and by that body sent-out to the several States for their 
ratification. The work of the Peace Congress was sent into the 
Senate. In this body it was voted down by an overwhelming 
majority. The House cf Representatives refused to receive it 
Madness ruled the hour. The <1 ark cloud that had hung over 
the country grew darker still. The Border States had cherished 
the fond hope that the Norfh would accept the olive branch of 
peace. It had been offered in theikindest manner, in the spirit 
of peace, and had been scornfully refused. The attitude of these 
States may have impressed the opinion upon the Northern mind- 
that the)' would remain passive spectators of the conflict, if the 
Federal Government attempted to coerce the seceded States. But 
if this opinion was seriously entertained it was vain, and too 
readily received. 

The Legislature of Virginia spoke out on the subject, and de- 
clared that she could not be an indifferent party, if an attempt at 
subjugation should be made. 

The seven Seceded States met by their delegates, in a Congress, 
at Montgomery, Alabama, on the 4th d£ February, 1861, for the 


Ictuses Which Produced the War. ISO 

purpose of effecting a union under a Provisional Government. 
They drew up and adopted a Constitution, (taking the Constitution 
of the United States for its model in the main part, yet differing 
from it in some respects,) which was considered an improvement 
upon the old one. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi who had re- 
signed his seat in the United States Senate, but a few days before, 
was chosen President, and Hon. A. H.Stephens, of Georgia, Vice 

Mr. Davis was a man of acknowledged talents and ability as a 
statesman, and of unblemished integrity of character. He had 
received a military education at West Point; had served in the 
Mexican war with distinction, as Colonel of a regiment of Missis- 
sippi rifles ; he had filled the office of Secretary of War during 
the administration of Mr. Pierce, and for a number of years had 
been a Senator in Congress from his State. Having been long 
and well tried, and approved in public service, he was regarded 
as a fair exponent of Southern feeling, and consequently well 
fitted and qualified for this new and responsible position in which 
he w r as placed. He immediately formed a Cabinet which, in 
point of talent and ability, commanded the confidence of the 
States represented at the time, and this new political organiza- 
tion essayed to take her place among the nations of the earth 
under the name of ' ; The Confederate States of America." 

When we reflect that seven States had left the Federal Union ; 
assumed a position independent of the Government; had formed 
a confederacy of themselves ; that their troops had seized and 
taken possession of every fort and arsenal within their limits 
except two (forts Sumter and Pickens) seized a large quantity of 
public arms and ammunition, — it appears strange that all this 
had been effected, considering the highly excited condition of the 
public mind, and not a life had been lost; not a drop of blood 
had been spilt. 

The only collision that had taken place, occurred in the harbor 
of Charleston on the 9th of January. An understanding had 
been had between the South Carolina delegation in Congress, that 
no attack upon, or interruption of the military posts would be 
made by the State authorities, provided the status of those posts 
remained unchanged. But despite this understanding, Major 
Anderson had abandoned Fort Moultrie in the night, spiking his 

lJfO Southern Historical Monthly. 

guns, and burning the carriages, he had retired to Sumter, a po- 
sition of much greater strength, from which position the Presi- 
dent refused to order him back. Here was evidently a breach of 
faith on his part; and at the date mentioned before, a steamer 
dispatched from the port of New York filled with troops and mu- 
nitions of war, and destined to reinforce Sumter, was fired upon 
by a battery situated on Morris* Island. No one was hurt. The 
steamer drew back from the attempt, and putting to sea again, 
conveyed to the Northern people, as well as to the Government, 
the unwelcome assurance that South Carolina, at least, was in 
earnest. The part that Mr. Buchanan acted with regard to the 
Forts, and the attempt to reinforce Sumter, were deemed by the 
South and her sympathizers, a breach of faith ; and two mem- 
bers of his Cabinet, Floyd of Virginia, and Thompson of Missis- 
sippi, tendered their resignations and retired, to identify their 
fortunes with their respective States. 

On the 4th of March, 1861, Mr. Lincoln took the oath of office 
and entered upon the duties that devolved upon him as President 
of the United States. He was a man without commanding talents 
as a politician, possessed of no distinction as a statesman, and had 
been selected for office only on the plea of availidiiity. Pliable 
in hi i nature and distrustful of his own judgment, he was 
very poorly fitted indeed to be placed in the seat of Wash- 
ington. To sum him up he had been selected by the Black 
Republican party as a man suitable for their purposes; he had 
adopted their platform of principles ; he felt that they had placed 
him in office, consequently he was prepared to be moulded into 
any impression the party might choose to give him. That he' 
was naturally very timid there can be no doubt. Without any 
cause to apprehend danger to his life or person, he had stolen into 
Washington in the night disguised in a plaid Scotch cap and a 
military cloak. 

The inaugural address which he read to the assembled multi- 
tude upon taking the oath of office had been studiously prepared 
— either to conceal the truth, or to suit as many people as possible. 
But it was not sufficiently warlike to please the party generally 
that had placed him in power. They insisted that it lacked the 
nerve and dignity of tone that circumstances demanded. The 
people of the Border States regarded it with much suspicion that 

Causes Which Produced the War. 141 

more was meant than expressed, and derived but little encourage- 
ment from such hopes as it held out. With regard to the insti- 
tution of slavery which was the prime occasion of the national 
difficulties, he said : 

"I have no disposition to interfere with the institution of 
slavery in the States where it exists, if I had the power to do so." 

How far he was sincere in the declaration subsequent events 
will disclose. But so far as the sentence quoted no man in the 
Southern States was misled. Direct interference with the insti- 
tution in the States was not complained of. It was the interference 
in the Territories which was calculated to interfere with it indi- 
rectly in the States by restricting it to a limited area, and depre- 
ciating its value by excess of numbers. So far as the position 
occupied by the seceded States was concerned and the policy he 
would pursue towards them, he modestly expressed himself in 
these words : 

" The power confided to me will be used to occupy and possess 
the property and places belonging to the Government, and collect 
the duties and imports; but beyond what mav be necessary for 
these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against, 
or among the people anywhere." 

It was not hard to comprehend the import of this sentence, to 
a Southern mind, and no one ought to have been misled by it 
for an hour. The Government claimed many of the forts, and 
places, with such property as heavy ordnance now in possession 
of the Confederates, and to " possess," " hold " or " occupy " such 
places would produce a conflict at arms ; and, when righting 
should once begin, neither party could tell where it would end. 
In the formation of his Cabinet, Mr. Lincoln generally selected 
men distinguished for their hostility to the South ; — men who 
had proved themselves in their political career before the country, 
the ardent and zealous supporters of the leading principles of the 
Black Republican party. Wm. H. Seward, who of all others was 
probably most obnoxious to the South, was made Secretary of 
State. While debating the subject of the institution of slavery in 
its application to the Territories, he had declared in his place in 
the United States Senate, " there is a higher law than the Con- 
stitution " to which we bow. And upon another occasion, while 
addressing his constituents, he declared, " there is an irrepressible 

14% Southern Historical Monthly. 

conflict between the free and the slave States." That u they must 
all become free, or all become slave States." Such sentiments as 
these had given him a notoriety which caused him to be regarded 
at the South as the oracle of the Black Republican party. 

While the party now in power were clamorous for war and the 
subjugation of the Confederate States by force of arms, there was 
still a party at the North opposed to such a resort. This party 
was composed principally of the Old-line Democrats and such as 
had not been carried away by the vagaries of fanaticism. The 
difficulties that surrounded Mr. Lincoln were great. To attempt 
the subjugation of the Confederate States by force of arms, while 
such a step was unpopular at the North would prove a dangerous 
enterprise ; and therefore, to unite all parties at the present crisis 
was to be regarded as an important object. A few days after the 
inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Davis had dispatched Commis- 
sioners to Washington in order to arrange terms for a peaceable 
separation, and to effect an amicable arrangement with regard to 
public property, and for a removal of the Federal garrison from 
Forts Sumter and Pickens. While these Commissioners were not 
received as such, publicly, on the part of Mr. Lincoln, yet he held 
intercourse with them informally, through the medium of another 
party. Assurances were given them that the difficulties admitted 
of a peaceful solution; that the military status assumed by the 
Confederacy would not be disturbed and that Fort Sumter would 
be evacuated. Judge Campbell, of the Supreme Court, was the 
medium through whom these assurances were given by Mr 
Seward, Secretary of State. Diplomacy leads to crooked paths. 
It proved worse than true in this case. The assurances given had 
no other object than deception, as the sequel proved. The au- 
thorities of South Carolina, seconded by the Confederate Govern- 
ment, had not only garrisoned Fort Moultrie and placed its 
armament in an efficient condition, but had erected several strong 
batteries at different puints, which not only commanded Fort 
Sumter, but the harbor likewise. To relieve the endangered con- 
dition of the garrison would be a hazardous undertaking under 
existing circumstances. To refuse to withdraw the garrison at 
all would have led the Confederate authorities to open fire upon 
it in its isolated and helpless condition. To subserve the purposes 
of Mr. Lincoln, it was necessary to gain time and also put the 

Causes^ Which Prodwced the War~ 14& 

Confederates off their guard. The political code of morality that 
had always distinguished the party that had now come into^ 
power, could sanction and tolerate such duplicity as that whicli 
was resorted to by Mr. Seward in this instance upon the ground 
that " the end sanctifies the means." While on the other hand,, 
it certainly demonstrates an absence of that high sense of honor- 
that a world has a right to expect of men in high official posi- 
tions. Fort Sumter was not evacuated. 

An unusual activity was known to prevail in the Navy Yard 5 
at New York, which seemed to indicate that an armament was; 
being fitted out for some demonstration hostile to the South. 
Uneasiness pervaded the minds of the friends of peace. Still Mr. 
Seward held out the- assurance that Sumter would be evacuated. 
On the 7th of April, Judge Campbell addressed a note to tho 
Secretary and received this remarkable reply : " Faith as to Sum- 
ter fully kept — wait and see." On the next day,. the 8th, an ex- 
pedition sailed from- New York, consisting of eleven vessels 
carrying 285 guns and 2400 men, under the specious plea of 
carrying "provisions to a starving garrison." On the same day 
the Governor of South, Carolina received the following notice from 
an officer of the Federal Government : 

"I am directed by the President of the United States to notify 
you that an attempt will be made to supply Fort Sumter with 
provisions only, and thai if sucIl attempt be not resisted, no effort 
to throw men, arms, or ammunition into the fort will be made, 
without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort." 

Deception was- now at an end, Federal duplicity understood, 
for the mask had been withdrawn. The general Government had 
been notified that any attempt of this sort would produce a col- 
lision. In the face of a promise to the contrary an attempt was 
made — hence the offensive move was hers — for which the South 
is not responsible before the world. 

Editorial Notes on- Fihst Article in January Number. — Page 4, quota- 
tion from preamble to the Constitution should he "more perfect" Union — not 
"more permanent." The articles of Confederation declared that to be a' "perpet- 
ual" Union. It would have seemed satirical to propose something more perma- 
nent than "perpetual." 

Page 5, Virginia accepted the Constitution with a declaration of her construc- 
tion rather than "conditionally." When Mr. Hamilton wrote to Mr. Madison 
suggesting that New York might make a conditional ratification the latter replied 
that it would be void, &c.,.*fcc. 

Page G, Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts was perhaps more serioift than the 
Whiskev insurrection in Pennsylvania. It was the former which so depressed 
Gen. Washington, that he wrote expressing the fear that the blood of the Revolu- 
tion had been shed in vain. 

Page 7, bottom line, the words "a Republic" should be changed into the ad- 
jective — "republican." 

Page 11, The abolitionists were in 1820 too feeble to be felt if they had been 
without allies. The oppo.-ition to the admission of Missouri was from political 
considerations, and the compromise met only the political view. 

144 Southern Historical Monthly. 


In his address at Columbia, S. C, General Logan,(?) described Lee 
and Jackson in the following truthful and eloquent language : 

"When we pass to the contemplation of our departed heroes 
there are two whose names are enrolled on 'the highest tablets of 
fame, who appear as prominent for their virtues as for their valor, 
for their moral and religious worth as for their martial fame. 
No people can exhibit higher types of character than those of 
Stonewall Jackson and Robert E. Lee. 

Jackson was emphatically the. hero of our great, struggle, be- 
loved and admired by all. His military genius was only 
equalled by the unbounded confidence of the army in his invin- 
cibility. He was taken from us in the noonday blaze of his glory 
triumphant and victorious in his last flank movement. His. 
brilliant, although short career, has impressed his followers and 
the world with the power and grandeur of genius when guided 
by deep religious principle. He was spared the last test to which 
the great Lee was subjected. It was the fate of Lee- to survive the 
shock of battles, and after furnishing an example of what is due 
to his afflicted country by the soldier when overpowered and 
crushed he has left us a character pure, exalted and grand, to be 
loved, admired, revered. 

I will not speak on this occasion of his genius as a great cap- 
tain, but prefer to allude to him in his still greater character as a 
true, noble man. Lee as a successful general, the victor of many 
hard fought fields, is great; but Lee as the true Christian, the 
pure, unselfish man, seeking the path of duty and following it, 
whether in the hour of triumph or in the day of disaster, is greater 
still Lee with the flush of victory upon him, as he is portrayed 
by the artist mounted on Traveller at Spotsylvania among his 
advancing regiments, is grand; but Lee writing to his faithful 
lieutenant, who had been wounded at Chancellorsville, "I con- 
gratu^tetT/ou on the victory which is due to your skill and en- 
ergy," is grander still 

Lee as described at the Wilderness, again at the head of his ad- 
vancing lines, but forced to retire from the front by his men (un- 
easy for his safety} with the assurance that if he would go to the 

Jackson and Lee. ljfo 

rear they would go to the front, is glorious ! but Lee after the re- 
pulse at Gettysburg, saying "All this is my fault," and assuming 
the responsibility for the reverse, is more glorious still — it is sub- 
lime — showing us how true greatness, generous and magnani- 
mous, can bear itself in defeat, Lee's military genius is conceded, 
and he will unquestionably rank among the foremost captains of 
history ; but Lee's noble manhood, exhibited in the hour of dis- 
aster at Appomattox, and in the subsequent days of adversity, is 
a priceless legacy, as an example, far more valuable than his mili- 
tary renown. 

Lord Bacon has told us that success was the blessing of the Old 
Testament, but adversity that of the New, and that the virtues of 
adversity are of higher order than the virtues of success. 

While Washington represents in the history of this country the 
virtues of success, Lee represents the virtues of adversity. 

The classic matron was wont to study the lives of great heroes 
hoping thus to transmit to her sons their virtues, and their valor 
and in one sense there was deep philosophy in the idea, as the 
mother must herself have become fully imbued with the spirit of 
those virtues she would impart to her son. In the case of Lee, 
both parents reverenced and venerated Washington, and the hap- 
piest maternal influences presided over his infancy and youth. 
The love of the father for Washington naturally impressed itself 
upon the son, who adopted him as the ideal of his youth, as the 
model by which he sought to mould his own character. It is not 
surprising, therefore, that the good seed of Washington's example 
sown in such soil should have yielded an abundant harvest of 
virtues and of valor : and that we should accordingly have in 
Lee a greater even than Washington for our matrons to admire 
and honor, and for our youths to imitate. 

Lee himself, then, is the choice fruit of Washington's example, 
and furnishes a distinguished illustration of the value of great 
exemplars in forming the character of youth. When we recollect 
that Lee, lavishly endowed by nature, was reared under these 
hallowed influences, that duty (which he styled the sublimest 
word in our language) was the key-note of his life, the pole-star 
of his every thought and action, and that he was ever sustained 
by his religion in this unwavering and conscientious adherence 
through life to the call of duty, we recognize the presence of every 

146 Southern Historical .Monthly. 

essential for developing the most exalted of mankind. We had' 
accordingly in Lee that rare combination, the highest order oh" 
genius with the purest morality of its day ; the supreme valor of 
an Alexander with the unswerving justice of an Aristides ; the 
brilliant talents of a Csesar with the stern virtues of a Cato ; the 
transcendant genius of a Xapoleon with the unselfish patriotism 
of a "Washington : 

" A combination and a form indeed. 
Where every god did seem to set his seal 
To give theVorld assurance of a man." 

We have accordingly in Lee the last, bed gift of the Mother of 
States and Statesmen, uniting the valor of the warrior with the 
gentleness of woman ; the wisdom of the sage with the purity of 
the saint ; the virtue of the patriot with the humility of the- 
Christian; the brilliancy of genius with the simplicity of faith. 
We have accordingly in Lee the most perfect embodiment yet 
-developed of the ideal manhood of our Christian civilization. 
Nature, birth, home influence, and social advantages, and his own 
aspirations for moral and Christian excellence, all combining 
most happily to produce in him the purest and greatest man of 
all the ages. May his grand character, as a bright example, a 
shining light, bless his countryman to remotest generations. 


The following incident which was first related by the editor of 
this Magazine in a Memorial Address delivered in Newbern some 
years ago, is published at the request of a subscriber who clipped 
it from some newspaper publication of the time, and has forwar- 
ded it to the Camp Chest of Our Living and Our Dead. The 
name of the lady has never been divulged for prudential reasons : 
but it has been placed on record that her descendants will know 
who she was, and, if worthy of her, will be proud to claim their 
descent from such a heroic and daring daughter of the South. 

The South was full of such heroines, and it is due to them that 
their deeds be published. The editor hopes that the narration 

A Confederate Heroine. 147 

of this fact will cause hundreds more to be sent him. The "boys 
in gray " were not alone in glorious deeds — their mothers, wives, 
sisters, daughters and sweethearts vied with them in devotion to 
the cause, and posterity shall know their good works, if in our 
power to preserve and hand them down : 

"News had been received at headquarters at Kinston, in No- 
vember, 1S62, that two Generals of the Federal army — one of 
them commanding in North Carolina, would, on a certain day, 
pass from Morehead to Newbern. It was advisable, in view of 
certain contemplated movements, to capture the train and secure 
the officers. At 10 o'clock P. M., I received orders to proceed at 
once to Trenton, take a detail of men from Major Nethercutt's 
command, and, if possible, on the day named, capture the train. 
At 2 A. M., I reached Trenton to find Major Nethercutt absent on 
one of his usual scouting expeditions. Awaiting his return at 
daylight, I made myself comfortable, and was about to indulge 
in a morning's nap when the clatter of the feet of a horse, at full 
gallop, caused me to step to the door of the Court House to see 
what was in the wind. The sentinel upon duty had halted the 
rider, and was receiving from him a paper to be delivered imme- 
diately to the officer in command. To my astonishment the note 
bore no address, and upon being opened the blank page of half a 
sheet of letter paper was all that met my eye. The rider, an 
elderly countryman, unknown to me, was breathing his jaded 
horse preparatory to return ; but could give me no other informa- 
tion than this : About 1 o'clock A. M., he was roused from his 
slumbers, and on going to his door found a lady on horseback 
who gave him the note, and told him to take it at full speed to 
Trenton and give it to any Confederate officer he should find on 
duty there, as it contained important information. In a few 
moments thereafter, I was in the private room of a citizen of 
Trenton, and his kind wife was warming an iron for my use. 
Applied to the seemingly blank sheet of paper, heat soon enabled 
me to see what I desired. Foster had returned two days sooner 
than anticipated, and was to leave that very morning with a force 
most accurately detailed on the sheet before me, on an expedition, 
having, in my opinion, the railroad bridge at Weldon for its ob- 
jective point. The object of my expedition being thus frustrated, 
I returned immediately to Kinston, and gave the information I 

148 Southern Historical Monthly. 

had procured through the intrepid daring of one of Newbern's 
daughters to the officer in command. Steps were promptly taken 
by the General Commanding the department, and such an array 
of troops was placed in front and upon the flanks of the Federal 
General as caused him rapidly to retrace his steps. The lady's 
name appended to that note has never been told — her secret has 
been locked in my breast — my superior officer, respecting my 
motive in desiring to keep it, only requiring my pledge that the 
writer was worthy of credit. I doubt whether the writer of that 
note ever knew into whose hands it fell or the good it accom- 
plished. When I state she was a young lady, tenderly reared. 
and then in the very morning of maidenhood, her night ride at 
great personal risk, to convey useful information, can be properly 



Recrimination may be unprofitable as well as unchristion ; but 
until men become "either more or less than men," it is sure to 
follow first assault. That bad blood begets bad blood and hot 
words anger, is not more true in personal than in National quar- 
rels, especially if the National partakes of "the civil" nature. 

Our own land furnishes a striking illustration of this recog- 
nized truism. Some half century since "professional" politicians 
began pelting each other with mud across the Potomac. It 
proved so profitable that the press and the preachers took it up, 
and each profession vied with the other in the intensity of abuse. 
This war of old women was begun partly for their own amusement, 
but more to impress an admiring world with their mock heroics and 
proficiency in "Billingsgate." The plea of the Southern side has 
ever been that they did not begin it ; theirs was the role of de- 
fendant or recriminator. But still the abuse and counter abuse- 
continued. Is the result to be wondered at ? Behold it. A gen- 
eration rolled around, and these fiery gentlemen had provoked 

Prisoners and their Treatment. 1^9 

the opportunity of proving themselves Paladins all, in deed as 
well as denunciation. But, as mouthers always do, they slighted 
the opportunity. Their ambition ran not in that channel. Al- 
most to a man they declined the real for the mimic battle ; but 
this they waged with renewed fury. In bureaus and bombproofs 
they taught others how to die, and claimed and reaped the glory 
of dying. The sum of sound expended by these "sons of thun- 
der" in debate, almost drowned that produced by "villainous salt- 
petre" in battle. 

True the real soldiers learned to despise the ranters, and it was 
fondly hoped for awhile that the entire class would after "war's 
stern alarums" be relegated to their proper status, that of the 
snarling, yelping, barking, bullying spaniel, whose province it is 
to provoke the death struggle between his betters. 

Had such been a consequence of "the war," it had not been 
fought in vain. Had that most credulous of all creatures, "the 
dear people," learned to place the true valuation upon loud 
mouthed profession, and raised in tones not to be misunderstood 
the battle-cry of the French army in Egypt : "[Savans and jack- 
asses to the rear," we repeat that a million of men, more or less, 
had not died to no purpose. 

But alas! for the gullibility of human nature, "the day of 
dupes" ended not at Appomattox. The country is as easily 
cajoled by "rant and cant," after the terrible warning it has ex- 
perienced, as when it flew to arms and poured out blood like 
water, the one side to show its faith in fanfaronade, the other to 
avert its results. The world is resolved to be governed by bathos 
or bayonets instead of brains. So long as it is, the noxious brood 
to which allusion is made, will never die. Office, aye, popular 
applause, has such attractions for the vile tribe, that they scruple 
not at any means to attain it. Unfortunately, vituperation opens the 
surest avenue to fickle favor in free governments. Few men have 
been more assailed than old Hobbs, for daring to assert that "war 
is the natural state of man." Be this as it may, the baser sort de- 
light in few things more than to be regaled with abuse of others. 
It is flattering to the Pharisaical element in the nature of most 
men, and hence he who caters most to this morbid and depraved 
.appetite, is most sure to rise to place and ephemeral power. Pit- 

loO Southern Historical Monthly. 

iful indeed must that man be, who would not scorn the use of 
such a ladder for the attainment of such selfish ends. 

I am led to this train of reflections by the brief synoptical re- 
port of Mr. Blaine's late speech on amnesty, in which he revamps 
the stereotyped but almost obsolete stories of the "horrors of An- 
dersonville ;" and sets to work systematically to reopen old sec- 
tional sores generally. The animus of the gentleman is as trans- 
parent as his facts are fallacious. 

The Republican nominating convention meets at an early day 
to select candidates for the approaching presidential contest. As 
hatred of the Southern States constitutes the corner stone of that 
party's platform, and has ever been its chief stock in trade, it be- 
comes essential that those who aspire to its chief rewards should 
show their fealty in the one indispensible pre-requisite of rancor, 
ill-will and all uncharitableness. Already the auctioneer has 
mounted the block, hammer in hand as did the captain of the 
Pretorian guard when the Roman empire was knocked down to 
the highest bidder, a base slave, by name Diddius Julianus. 
The bidding is brisk. The masculine Mrs. Toodleses are warmed 
up to their work ; but so far the highest bidder is the tenant in 
possession. With stolid expression and contempt of speech, with 
cigar 'twixt thumb and dexter digit he points proudly to his of- 
ficial record as earnest of what he is willing to do. Feeling as he 
well may, secure in that regard, and having "nine points" of the 
law in his favor, he can afford to be serene and silent. Not so 
the expectant outs who are anxious for the tenement at "the other 
end of the avenue," "Going, going," cries the auctioneer, when 
up bounces Blaine and with gesture deprecatory forbids the fatal 
"gone," and then he puts in his little bid. It must have been a 
very thunderbolt in that auction room. We fancy that Grant 
growled, Morton moaned, Conkling recoiled, and Sherman (fratres 
ambo) shrieked when that bid was put in. Courage, gentlemen, 
the hammer hasn't fallen. "The next war and extermination," 
(Gen. Sherman's) "and eternal hate" (Mr. Blaine's) now head the 
list of bids against Gen. Grant's incomparable acts. "Going, 
going, who goes beyond. Be brisk, gentlemen, for the hammer is 
poised." Such the picture we depict of the competition for the 
next four years' lease of the government domain and 40,000,000 

Prisoners and their Treatment. 151 

«»xf serfs, gifts, patronage, stealage and all. If it is overdrawn we 
are open to criticism. 

I say nothing against the soldiers performing in this little pan- 
•tornime, for the military is a blood-thirsty profession, as Scylla 
Alva, Tamerlane, Attila and Ghengis Khan abundantly prove. 
Messieurs Sherman and Grant would not and should not prove 
recreant' to such glorious precedents. Mr. Blaine, however, has 
no such excuse. He is supposed to be a man of peace and steady 
habits, and thrifty withal, as his tax list on entering Congress and 
quitting the Speaker's chair attests. Its his "rebel atrocities to 
prisoners," w T hich induces me to carry out a purpose long held in 
contemplation, and which under the circumstances would seem 
ito amount to an imperative duty. 

Perhaps a fable may not be considered an inapposite prelude 
to this self-imposed obligation. "A man and a lion were disput- 
ing about the respective prowess of their respective species. In 
order to settle the discussion the man showed his opponent a 
statue representing a man strangling a lion. 'Who made the 
statue ?' quoth the lion." 

Since the close of our late unfortunate war, we of the South 
have evinced a culpable readiness to let our antagonists do all 
the statue making, and they have assumed the charge of chissding 
with wonderful alacrity. The consequence is that the other side 
<euts a very lame figure in the ephemeral productions of the day , 
whether in marble or bronze, in history or fiction, in con- 
gressional or pulpit polemics. 

They have not only proven theirs the heroic side successtul 
against overwhelming odds and vastly superior numbers, but 
they show too, that the other was a nation of banditti, fighting 
for pay, provant and plunder ; whilst theirs was as immaculate, 
spotless and pure as an army of Sunday School children, with 
banners emblazoned with little sheep, and singing, " I'm glad 
I'm in this army." 

They prove more (by statue.) For by that test they are the 
exclusive type of chivalry and magnanimity, of moderation in 
victory, of fortitude in defeat. They have demonstrated that 
whilst we were actuated by devilish hate, they were prompted to 
cut our throats through brotherly love. 

Nay, more, they have proven (to their own satisfaction) that 

152 Southern Historical Monthly. 

whilst our prisoners of war were systematically tortured for the 
edification of their cruel jailors, theirs were warmly clad, luxu- 
riously fed and housed, and subjected, for mere form's sake, to a 
nominal restraint. It is to refute this last assumption, simply, 
that I enter the lists, and the reason for such apparent egotism 
now proceed to state. 

Towards the close of a long imprisonment and of the war, we 
were continually regaled with rebel outrages on prisoners. As 
at the time milk and honey were not included in our daily ra- 
tions; nor fine linen, or better still, even indifferent shoddy 
issued as raiment, we were to use a euphemism of our keepers "a 
littled riled." Under the circumstances we did what free born 
Americans usually do, even when no longer free ; called a mass 
meeting and resolved. The purport of the resolution was, in fine, 
to appoint a committee to report on the treatment of Confederate 
prisoners in Federal prison pens. That committee consisted of 
fourteen members, and was composed of one from each of the 
States represented in the Confederate armies. It was selected by 
that tried soldier and true gentleman, (our senior officer,) Gen. I. 
R. Trimble, of Baltimore. I remember only a part of them by 
name, but these will dignify the composition of the whole, viz : 
Gen. Jones, of Virginia; Col. Maxwell, of Florida; Col. Scales, 
of Mississippi; Gen. Miles, of Louisiana; Col. Provence, of Ar- 
kansas; Col. Fite, of Tennessee; Col. Smith, of Kentucky, and 
Col. Lewis, of Missouri. I had the honor to be chairman of that 
committee, and hence the assumption of the right to speak. Let 
my brother committeemen rebuke if I keep not within the strict 
pale of the truth. It was determined at our first meeting that 
nothing should be incorporated in the report upon mere hearsay 
evidence, however well authenticated ; but only such general bad 
treatment and individual instances of brutality as had fallen 
under our own immediate observation, either there or at other 
prisons of war, some one or other of which had been the abode of 
some one of our number. And here let it be premised, that our 
then residence, Johnson's Island, was, by common consent of all 
prisoners, voted so far superior to every other of their prisons, 
that any prospect of a transfer was looked upon as a decided ca- 
lamity. Especially was this the case after Gen. Shaler and his 
brigade of soldiers were sent to supercede the home guard battal- 

Prisoners and their Treatment. 158 

ion, which had been enlisted as a prison guard, and stipulated 
at the time that they were not to be employed in any other ca- 
pacity. The home guard remained, subject to Shaler's orders. 
It was not unusual to hear the soldiers say to the others, " If you 
had only caught these men you would know how to respect 
them ;" and similar remarks. 

Shaler was regarded a gentleman, and as one who tried to alle- 
viate our lot as far as compatible with the orders of his chief, 
brute Staunton. 

To return. The report was quite voluminous, and would prob- 
ably have made a pamphlet of two or three hundred pages. It 
was smuggled through the lines to Richmond a few weeks before 
the surrender; but in the then unsettled condition of affairs, was 
either lost or destroyed. I say unhesitatingly, that if some of 
the facts therein certified could be made public, they would put 
to the blush the alleged atrocities at Andersonville, and which 
that poor Switzer, Wirz, atoned with his life. In view of the 
impossibility of this, I propose giving a few excerpts from memo- 
ry as samples of the whole. It told of scant rations and semi- 
starvation, when their commissariat was replete to bursting; but 
that was bearable, as Confederate soldiers had learned to live like 
chameleons before giving up their arms, and did more than even 
Saxe permitted, who justified soldiers in complaining of the- 
quantity bnt not the quality of their food. It told of nakedness 
and a meagre allowance of fuel in a climate where 20 and even 
30 degrees helm was no unusual state of the thermometer. It 
told of hundreds and thousands of men, inured to comfort, sleep- 
ing "by reliefs" during the long cold winter nights, huddled 
together like pigs in order to double and treble their scanty bed 
covering, whilst others kept watch around the stoves until the 
hour arrived for a change of reliefs. With Lake Erie all around 
us, it told of our water supply being drawn from shallow wells, 
or rather holes in the ground, and fraught with the scum and 
odor of the sinks through which it steeped. Towards the close*. 
this last abuse was abated in a measure by permitting details,, 
under guard, to go to the lake once a day for a pure supply. It 
told of systematic robbery out of the slender supplies sent us by 
sympathizing friends. It told of the totally inadequate provision 
of medical supplies for the use of the hospital. To close the count 

IS 4 Southern Historical Monthly, 

of general specifications, it told of a mortality rate greater by far, 
•according to received authority, than that of any prison in the South. 
That of itself should be conclusive as regards the respective meas- 
ure of bad treatment accorded to prisoners by the two govern- 
ments. All this in the model prison on Johnson's Island, reserved 
almost exclusive!}- for the safe keeping of officers. 

We cull a few specimens of individual brutalities in this de- 
• lightful abode, to fill up the interstices. One night a prisoner 
(in block 7, I think,) struck a match to light his pipe. Straight- 
way a bullet from one of the guards came crashing through the 
room, whereby two other men were dangerously wounded. The 
■sentinel was never punished. In a part of the yard set apart for 
the purpose, was a small hut, perhaps ten feet square, reserved 
for solitary confinement. On that ground the rest of us were not 
permitted to encroach. Most of the time it was occupied by a 
couple of poor fellows, accused of being spies. They were loaded 
with irons and denied privilege of speech to all others. Occa- 
sionally they were permitted the luxury of setting in the sunshine 
for a few minutes in the day. After aw^hile we saw only one. 
What became of the other I never knew. The winter of '64-'5 
was, we were told, one of the most intensely cold ever known even 
in that latitude. For days at a time, the sentries could only 
remain in their beats for a few minutes before being relieved, all 
the time going at a " double quick " to keep from freezing. Muf- 
fled up in furs, overcoats ond blankets, they were better prepared 
to remain outdoors than the shivering inmates within were to 
keep housed. Of course the suffering from cold was universal, 
and many were frost bitten. But the poor wretch in irons, what 
of him? We were told by the guard that manacled as he was, 
and unable to feed his stove, he had been frost bitten in almost 
every part of his body, the iron literally eating into the flesh, and 
that if his life was spared, he would be a hopeless cripple during 
the rest of it. If guilty even of the offence charged, hanging had 
been a mercy in comparison to the torture to which he was sub- 
jected. But Secretary Staunton was an artist in torture, and 
scorned the gentler method. We opine that in his own last hours, 
when racked by remorse to the consummation of self-slaughter, 
(as the story goes,) the ghost of this man, if ghost he had become, 
and that of Mrs. Surratt, might have headed the long and ghostly 

Prisoners and their Treatment. 155 

procession of dead prisoners, Federal and Confederate, who yielded 
up their lives to his cold blooded, calculating policy of non-ex- 

It was no unusual sight, that of men, aye, gentlemen, fishing 
in the slop barrels for the chance of finding a stray crust on the 
surface, and when found, eating it with the avidity of starvation. 
Rats were regarded as legitimate game, and all that could be 
caught or killed went to pot. I had to mourn an old pet torn cat 
that shared the common fate, as his hide and claws too plainly 

Those of us who were transferred from Fort Delaware, bore 
evidence to the fact that our coffee (" so called " by courtesy) gave 
unmistakeable proof of having been made from water in direct 
open communication with the sink. 

One Brigadier Schoepff (pronounce it who can,) was in com- 
mand uf that place. He was a German, as you will probably 
infer. So likewise was his Adjutant, the notorious Ahl. The 
General (it was whispered that he had formerly held position in 
the dining room of Willard's hotel, as head waiter,) was an odd 
compound. Affable and insolent, kind and cruel, plausible and 
vindictive. Unfortunately, however, the better attributes seemed 
to be only decoys to the unsuspecting, in order to enable him to 
gratify the worse. And here we feel constrained to enter our 
solemn conviction, based on a somewhat extensive experience, 
that men of that nationality, as a rule, make the most unfeeling 
of all jailers. The brace of worthies just named go far to estab- 
lish the theory, as does Maj. Burton, who was second in command, 
to prove that the old army officers were almost invariably gen- 
tlemen. The two first named, among other outrages, put Col. 
Baxter Smith and Major Jack Thompson in the dark dungeon, 
on bread and water, for simply dissuading a prisoner against 
taking "the oath.'*' After they had been so confined a day or 
two, Major Burton heard of it and demanded their immediate 
release, threatening in case of refusal to report the facts at Wash- 
ington, and if not corrected there that he would throw up his 
commission. This same Shoepff likewise threatened to iron Col. 
Smith and the writer in case we refused to give our parole not to 
try to escape on being transferred to another prison. The parole 
was extorted under duress, but we were nevertheless closely 

156 Southern Historical Monthly. 

guarded, all the same as if it had not been. Col. Lewis of Mis- 
souri, one of the committee, (and an eloquent Methodist divine,) 
among other details of the treatment at Alton, if I am not mis- 
taken, certified that during the prevalence of small-pox at that 
place, the infected were not separated from the other prisoners ; 
and that when they died were permitted in numbers of cases to 
remain unburied until putrefaction set in. He told too of a 
little lad, fifteen or sixteen years old, of his command, the only 
son of a widowed mother who was shot and killed by a sentry 
for only looking at the brute, when ordered not to. The murderer 
w T as promoted to a sergeantcy. 

These details are only specimens of what that report contained. 
They are not a tithe ; but they suffice to corroborate the assumption 
that all the hardships of prison life were not monopolized by 
those who wore the blue. They somehow too bring to mind a 
homely old saw pertaining to glass houses. That there were 
hardships incidental to prison life at the South, as there are to 
confinement under all aspects, no one will deny. That there 
were equal, if not greater hardships associated with the war im- 
prisonment at the North is susceptible of absolute demonstration. 
Conceding a parity between the two for the sake of argument and 
ours is the more venial side. When the entertainer gives the 
best he has, the guest has no right to complain. If, however, he 
is revelling on the fat of the land and expects his company to be 
content with a bonf, he must likewise expect that the individual 
is of a very meek and humble nature. 

Such we consider an apposite illustration of the relative parties 
in the discussion. Its true that whilst with us, "nos amis, les enne- 
mis" fared not as sumptuously as they might have done in their 
own rich camps ; but it is no less true that they did fully as well 
as our troops did in the trenches. We claim thus much for 
Southern hospitality. Can hospitality go further? Can as much 
be said for the other side ? We have anticipated the answer. 


Release of Jefferson Davis. 151 

[From the New York Tribuni 



The Charges of Complicity in the Assassination of President Lincoln 
and of Cruelty to Prisoners — Evidence from the Confederate Archive* 
— Mr. Greeley' 's Sacrifices — The Bondsmen. 

To tlie Editor of the Tribune : 

Sir — I apprehend no one will accuse me with having ever 
harbored disunion proclivities, or of any inclination toward se- 
cession heresies. But truth is truth, justice is justice, and an act 
of proposed magnanimity should not be impaired by both an 
untruth and an injustice. The statement in the House of Repre- 
sentatives on Thursday last, made by Gen. Banks during the 
debate on the proposed Amnesty bill, was more entirely correct 
than, perhaps, he had reason to credit. 

What I now relate are facts : Mr. Horace Greeley received a 
letter, dated June 22, 1865, from Mrs. Jefferson Davis. It was 
written at Savannah, Georgia, where Mrs. Davis and her family 
were then detained under a sort of military restraint. Mr. Davis 
himself, recently taken prisoner, was at Fortress Monroe ; and 
the most conspicuous special charge threatened against him by 
the " Bureau of Military Justice " was, of the guilty knowledge 
relating to the assassination of President Lincoln. The principal 
purpose of the letter was imploring Mr. Greeley to bring about a 
speedy trial of her husband upon that charge, and upon ail other 
supposed cruelties that were preferred against him. A public 
trial was prayed that the accusations might be as publicly met, 
and her husband, as she insisted could be done, readily vindica- 
ted. To this letter Mr. Greely at once forwarded an answer for 
Mrs. Davis, directed to the care of Gen. Burge, commanding our 
military forces at Savannah. The morning of the next day Mr. 
Greeley came to my residence in this city, placed the letter from 
Mrs Davis in my hand, saying that he could not believe the 
charge to be true ; that aside from the enormity and want of 
object, it would have been impolitic in Mr. Davis, or any other 
leader in the Southern States, as they could not but be aware of 

158 Southern Historical Monthly. 

Mr. Lincoln's naturally kind heart and good intentions toward 
them all ; and Mr. Greeley asked me to become professionally in- 
terested in behalf of Mr. Davis. I called to Mr. Greeley's atten- 
tion that, although I was like-minded with himself as to this one 
view of the case, yet there was the other pending charge of cruel 
treatment of our Union soldiers while prisoners at Andersonville 
and other places, and that, unless our Government was willing 
to have it imputed that Wirz w r as convicted and his sentence of 
death inflicted unjustly, it could not now overlook the superior 
who w T as, at least, popularly regarded as the moving cause of 
those wrongs ; and that if Mr. Davis had been guilty of such 
breach of the rules for the conduct of w r ar in modern civilization. 
he was not entitled to the right of, nor to be manumitted as r a 
mere prisoner of war. I expressed the thought that my services 
before a military tribunal would be of little benefit. I hesitated ; 
but finally told Mr. Greeley that I would consult with some of 
our common friends, whose countenance would give strength to 
such an undertaking, if it w r as discovered to be right, and that 
none but Republicans and some of the radical kind were likely 
to be of positive aid ; indeed, any other would have been inju- 
rious. It occurred to me, from recollecting conversations with 
Mr. Henry Wilson, the previous April, while we w T ere together at 
Hilton Head, South Carolina, that if Mr. Davis were guiltless of 
this latter offence, an avenue might be opened for a speedy trial,. 
or for his manumission as any other prisoner of w T ar. I did con- 
sult with such friends, and Mr. Henry Wilson, Gov. John A. An- 
drew, Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, and Mr. Gerrit Smith, were among 
them. The result was that I thereupon undertook to do what- 
ever became feasible. Although not in strictness required to 
elucidate our present intent, it is, nevertheless, becoming the 
history of the case simply to mention that Mr. Charles O'Connor 
was, from the first, esteemed the most valuable man to lead for 
the defense by Mr. Greeley and Mr. Gerrit Smith. A Democrat 
of pronounced repute, still his appearance would impart no par- 
tisan aspect to the great argument, and would excite no feelings 
but those of admiration and respect among even extreme men of 
opposite opinion. Public expectation looked to him, and soon 
after it was made known that he had already volunteered his 
services to Mr. Davis. Mr. O'Connor's cc irse during the war was 

Release of Jefferson Davis- 159 

decided, understood, and consistent, but never offensive nor intru- 
sive; his personal honor without reproach; his courage without 
fear; his learning, erudition, and propriety of professional judg- 
ment conceded as most eminent. 

There was a general- agreement among the gentlemen of the- 
Republican party whom I have mentioned, that Mr. Davis did 
not by thought or act participate in a conspiracy against Mr. 
Lincoln ; and none of those expressed that conviciion more em- 
phatically than Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. The single subject on 
which light was desired by them was concerning the treatment 
of our soldiers while in the hands of the enemy. The Tribune of 
May 17, 1865, tells the real condition of feeling at that moment, 
and unequivocally shows that it was not favorable to Mr. Davis- 
on this matter. At the instance of Mr. Greeley, Mr. Wilson, and 
as I was given to understand, of Mr. Stevens, I went to Canada 
the first week in January, 1866, taking Boston on my route, there 
to consult with Gov. Andrew and others. While at Montreal, 
Gen. John C. Breckinridge came from Toronto, at my request, for 
the purpose of giving me information. There I had placed in 
my possession the official archives of the Government of the Con- 
federate States, which I read and considered, especially all those 
messages and other acts of the Executive with the Senate in its- 
secret sessions concerning the care and exchange of prisoners. I 
found that the supposed inhuman and unwarlike treatment of 
their own captured soldiers by agents of our Government was a 
most prominent and frequent topic. That those reports current 
then, perhaps even to this hour, in the South, were substantially 
incorrect, is little to the practical purpose. From those docu- 
ments, not made to meet the public eye but used in secret session 
and from inquiries by me of those thoroughly conversant with 
the state of Southern opinion at the time, it was manifest that the 
paople of the South believed those reports to be trustworthy, and 
they individually, and through their representatives at Rich- 
mond, pressed upon Mr. Davis, as the Executive and as the Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, instant recourse to active 
measures of retaliation, to the end that the supposed cruelties 
might be stayed. Mr. Davis' conduct under such urgency, and, 
indeed* expostulation, w T as a circumstance all-important in deter- 
mining the probability of this charge as to himself. It was 

160 Southern Historical Monthly. 

equally and decisively manifest, by the same sources of informa- 
tion, that Mr. Davis steadily and unflinchingly set himself in 
opposition to the indulgence of such demands, and declined to 
resort to any measure of violent retaliation. It impaired his 
personal influence, and brought much censure upon him from 
many in the South, who sincerely believed the reports spread 
among the people to be really true. The desire that something 
should be attempted from which a better care of prisoners could 
be secured seems to have grown so strong and prevalent that, on 
July 2, 1863, Mr. Davis accepted the proffered service of Mr. Al- 
exander H. Stephens, the Vice-President, to proceed as a military 
commissioner to Washington. The sole purpose of Mr. Davis in 
allowing that mission appears from the said documents which I 
read, to have been to place the war on the footing of such as are 
waged by civilized people in modern times, and to divest it of a 
savage character which, it was claimed, had been pressed on it 
in spite of all effort and protest ; and alleged instances of such 
savage conduct were named and averred. This project was pre- 
vented, as Mr. Stephens was denied permission by our Adminis- 
tration to approach Washington, and intercourse with him pro- 
hibited. On his return, after this rejected effort to produce a 
mutual kindness in the treatment of prisoners, Southern feeling 
become more unquiet on the matter than ever; yet it clearly 
appears that Mr. Davis would not yield to the demand for retal- 

The evidence tending to show this to be the true condition of 
the case as to Mr. Davis himself, was brought by me and sub- 
mitted to Mr. Greeley, and in part to Mr. Wilson. The result 
was, these gentlemen, and those others in sympathy with them, 
changed their former suspicion to a favorable opinion and a 
friendly disposition. They were from this time kept informed of 
each movement as made to liberate Mr. Davis or to compel the 
Government to bring the prisoner to trial. All this took place 
before counsel, indeed, before any one acting on his behalf, was 
allowed to communicate with or to see him. 

The Tribune now at once began a series of leading editorials 
demanding that our Government proceed with the trial ; and on 
January 16, 1866, incited by those editorials, Senator Howard, of 
Michigan, offered a joint resolution, aided by Mr. Sumner, " re- 

Release of Jefferson Davis. 161 

Commanding the trial of Jefferson Davis and Clement G. Clay, 
before a military tribunal or court-martial, for charges mentioned 
in the report of the Secretary of War, of March 4. 1866." It will 
be interesting to mention now that if a trial proceeded in this 
manner, I was then credibly informed Mr. Thaddeus Stevens had 
volunteered as counsel for Mr. Clay, 

After it had become evident that there was no immediate pros- 
pect of any trial, if any prospect at all, the counsel for Mr. Davis 
became anxious that their client be liberated on bail, and one of 
them consulted with Mr, Greeley as to the feasibility of procuring 
some names as bondsmen of persons who had conspicuously op- 
posed the war of secession. This was found quite easy ; and Mr. 
Gerritt Smith and Commodore Vanderbilt were selected, and Mr, 
Greeley, in case his name should be found necessary. All this 
could not have been accomplished had not those gentlemen, and 
those in sympathy with them, been already convinced that those 
charges against Mr. Davis were unfounded in fact. So an appli- 
cation was made on June 11, 1S66, to Mr. Justice Underwood, at 
Alexandria, Va.. for a writ of habeas corpus, which, after argument, 
was denied, upon the ground that "Jefferson Davis was arrested 
under a proclamation of the President, charging him with com- 
plicity in the assassination of the late President Lincoln. Pie 
has been held." says the decision, ' ; ever since, and is now held. 
as a military prisoner."' The Washington Chronicle of that date 
insisted that " the case is one well entitled to a trial before a 
military tribunal ; the testimony before the Judiciary Committee 
of the House, all of it bearing directly, if not conclusively, on a 
certain intention to take the life of Mr. Lincoln, is a most im- 
portant element in the case." This was reported as from the pen 
of Mr. John W. Forney himself, then Clerk of the Senate, and is 
cited by me as an expression of a general tone of the press on 
that occasion. Then, the House of Representatives, on the mo- 
tion of Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, the following day passed 
a resolution M that it was the opinion of the House that Jefferson 
Davis should be held in custody as a prisoner and subject to tiiol 
according to the laws of the land." It was adopted by a vote of 
105 to 19. 

It is very suggestive to reflect just here that, in the interme- 
diate time, Mr. Clement C. Clay had been discharged from im- 

162 Southern Historical Monthly. 

prison men t without being brought to trial on either of these 
charges, upon which he had been arrested, and for which arrest 
the §100,000 reward had been paid. 

This failure to liberate Mr. Davis would have been very dis- 
couraging to most of men — but Mr. Greeley, and those friends 
who were acting with him, determined to meet the issue made, 
promptly and sharply, and to push the Government to a trial of 
its prisoner, or to withdraw its charge made by its Beard of Mil- 
itary Justice. The point was soon sent home, and was felt. Mr. 
Greeley hastened back to Xew York, and The Tribune of June 12, 
1S66, contained, in a leader from his pen*, this unmistakable de- 
mand and protest : 

How and when did Davis become a prisoner of war ? He was 
not arrested as a public enemy, but as a. felon, officially charged, 
in the face of the civilized world, with, the foulest, most execrable- 
guilt — that of having suborned- assassins to murder President 
Lincoln — a crime the basest and most cowardly known to man- 
kind. It was for this that 8100,000 was offered and paid for his 
arrest. And the proclamation of Andrew Johnson and William 
H. Seward, offering this reward, says his complicity with Wilkes 
Booth & Co., is established " by evidence now in the Bureau of 
Military Justice." So there was no need of time to hunt it up. 

It has been asserted that Davis is responsible for the death by 
exposure and famine of our captured soldiers, and his official po- 
sition gives plausibility to the charge. Yet, while Henry Wirz — 
a miserable wretch — a mere tool of tools — was long ago arraigned, 
tried, eonvicted r sentenced, and hanged for this crime — no charge 
has been officially preferred against Davis. So we presume none 
is to be. 

The Tribune kept up repeating this demand during the follow- 
ing part of that year, and admonished the Government of the 
increasing absurdity of its position, not daring, seemingly, to 
prosecute a great criminal against whom it had officially declared 
it was possessed of evidence to prove that crime. On November 
9, 1866, The Tribune again thus emphasized this thought: 

Eighteen months have nearly elapsed since Jefferson Davis was 
made a State prisoner. He had previously been publicly charged 
by the President of the United States, with conspiring to assassi- 
nate President Lincoln, and §100,000 offered for his capture 

Release of Jefferson Davis. 16* 

'thereupon. The capture was promptly made and the money 
duly paid, yet, up to this hour, there has not been even an at- 
tempt made by the Government to procure an indictment on that 
charge. He has, also, been publicly, if not officially, accused of 
complicity in the virtual murder of Union soldiers, while pris- 
oners of war, by subjecting them to needless, inhuman exposure, 
privation and abuse ; but no official attempt has been made to 
indict him on that charge. * * A great government may deal 
sternly with offenders, but not meanly ; it cannot afford to seem 
unwilling to repair an obvious wrong. 

The Government, however, continued to express its inability 
to proceed with the trial. Another year had passed since the 
capture of Mr. Davis, and now another attempt; to liberate him 
by bail was to be made. The Government, by its conduct, hav- 
ing tacitly abandoned those special charges of inhumanity, a pe- 
tition for a writ was to be presented by which the prisoner, might 
be handed over to the civil authority to answer the indictment 
for treason. In aid of this project, Mr. Wilson, Chairman of the 
Committee of Military Affairs, offered in the Senate, on the 18th. 
of March, 1867, a resolution urging the Government to proceed, 
with the trial. The remarkable thoughts and language of that- 
■resolution were observed at the time and necessarily caused people 
to infer that Mr. Wilson, at least, was not under the too common 
delusion that the Government really had a case on either of those- 
two particular charges against Mr. Davis individually; and a 
short time after this Mr. Wilson went to Fortress Monroe and 
saw Mr. Davis. The visit was simply friendly, and not for any/ 
purpose relating to his liberation. 

On May 14, 1S67, Mr. Davis was delivered to the civil author- 
ity ; was at once admitted to bail, Mr. Greeley and Mr. Gerrit 
Smith going personally to Richmond, in attestation of their be- 
lief that wrong had been done to Mr. Davis in holding him so* 
long accused upon these charges, now abandoned, and as an ex- 
pression of magnanimity toward the South, Commodore Vandeiv 
bilt, then but recently the recipient of the thanks of Congress for- 
his superb aid to the Government during the war, was also rep- 
resented there, and signed the bond through Mr. Horace F. Clark,, 
his son-in-law, and Mr. Augustus Scheil, his friend. 

The apparent unwillingness of the Government to prosecute,. 

164- Southern Historical Monthly. 

under every incentive of pride and honor to the contrary, was 
accepted by those gentlemen and the others, whom I have men- 
tioned, as a confirmation given to me at Montreal, and of its 
entire accuracy. 

These men— Andrew, Greeley, Smith and Wilson — have each 
passed from this life. The history of their efforts to bring all 
parts of our common country once more and abidingly into unity, 
peace and concord, and of Mr. Greeley's enormous sacrifice to 
compel justice to be done to one man, and he an enemy, should 
.be written. 

I will add a single incident tending the same way. In a con- 
sultation with Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, at his residence on Capitol 
Hill, at Washington, in May, 1866, he related to me how the 
Chief of this "Military Bureau " showed him "the evidence" upon 
which the proclamation was issued charging Davis and Clay with 
complicity in the assassination of Mr. Lincoln. He said that he 
refused to give the thing any support, and that he told that gen- 
tleman the evidence was insufficient in itself, and incredible. I 
am not likely ever to forget the earnest manner in which Mr. 
Stevens then said to me : " Those men are no friends of mine. 
They are public enemies; and I would treat the South as a con- 
quered country and settle it politically upon the policy best 
suited for ourselves. But I know T these men, Sir. They are gen- 
tlemen, and incapable of being assassins." 
Yours faithfully, 

Geo. Shea, 
No. 205 West Porty-sixth street, New York, Jan. 15, 187G. 

Jefferson Davis' Reply to Blaine. 165 

Jefferson Davis in Reply to Blaine. 


His Efforts in behalf of a>i Exchange of Prisoners — The Mortality in 
Federal and Confederate Prisons Contrasted. 
Mr. James Lyons, of Richmond, Va., having addressed a letter 
to Mr. Jefferson Davis, begging him to answer the recent speech 
of ex-Speaker Blaine in the House on the amnesty bill, Mr. Davis 
lias responded. We give Mr. Davis' letter in full : 

New Orleans, Jan. 27, 1876. 

Hon. James Lyon — My Dear Friend: Your very kind letter of 
the 14th instant was forwarded from Memphis, and has been 
received at this place. 

I have been so long the object of malignant slander and the 
subject of unscrupulous falsehood by partisans of the class of Mr. 
Blaine, that though I cannot say it has become to me a matter of 
indifference, it has ceased to excite my surprise even in this in- 
stance, when it reaches the extremity of accusing me of cruelty 
to prisoners. What matters it to one whose object is personal and 
party advantage that the records, both Federal and Confederate* 
disprove the charge; that the country is full of witnesses who 
bear oral testimony against it, and that the effort to revive the 
bitter animosities of the war, obstructs the progress toward the 
reconciliation of the sections? It is enough for him if his self- 
seeking purpose be promoted'. 

It would, however, seem probable that such expectations must 
be disappointed, for only those that are wilfully blind can fail to 
see in the circumstances of the case the fallacy of Mr. Blaine's 
statements. The published fact of an attempt to suborn Wirz> 
when under sentence of death, by promising him pardon if he 
would criminate me in regard to the Andersonville prisoners, is 
conclusive as to the wish of the Government to make such a 
charge against me, and the failure to do so shows that nothing 
could be found to sustain it. May we not say the evidence of my 
innocence was such that Holt and Conover, with their trained 
band of suborned witnesses, dared not make against me this 

166 Southern Historical Monthly. 

charge — the same which Wirz for his life, would not make, but 
which Blaine, for the presidential nomination, has made? 

Now let us review the leading facts of this case. The report of 
the Confederate Commissioner for exchange of prisoners shows 
how persistent and liberal were our efforts to secure the relief of 
captives. Failing in those attempts, I instructed General R. E. 
Lee to go under flag of truce and seek an interview with General 
Grant, to represent to him the suffering and death of Federal 
prisoners held by us, to explain the causes which were beyond 
our control, and to urge in the name of humanity the observance 
of the cartel for the exchange of prisoners. To this, as to all pre- 
vious appeals, a deaf ear was turned. I will not attempt from 
memory, to write the report made to me of the incidents of this 
mission. Lee no longer lives to defend the cause and country he 
loved so well and served so efficiently ; but General Grant can- 
not fail to remember so extraordinary a visit, and his objections 
to executing the cartel are well known to the public. But who- 
ever else may choose to forget my efforts in this regard, the pris- 
oners at Anderson ville and the delegates I permitted them to. 
send to President Lincoln to plead for the resumption of exchange 
of prisoners, cannot fail to remember how willing I was to re- 
store them to their homes and to the comforts of which they were 
in need, provided the imprisoned soldiers of the Confederacy 
should be in like manner released and returned to us. 

This bold accusation, though directed specially against me. 
was no doubt intended as, and naturally must be, the arraign- 
ment of the South, by whose authority and in whose behalf my 
deeds were done. It may be presumed that the feelings and tLe 
habits of the southern soldiers were understood by me, and in 
that connection any fair mind would perceive in ray congratula- 
tory orders to the army after a victory, in which the troops were 
most commended for their tenderness and generosity to the 
wounded and other captives, as well as the instincts of the person 
who issued the order as the knightly temper of the soldiers to 
whom it was addressed. It is admitted that the prisoners in our 
hands were not as well provided for as we would, but it is claimed 
that we did as well for them as we could. Can the other side say 
as much ? 

To the bold allegations of ill-treatment of prisoners by our 

Jefferson Davis' reply to Blaine. J 6? 

side, and humane treatment and adequate supplies by our oppo- 
nents, it is only necessary to add two facts — first, it appears from 
the reports of the United States War Department that though we 
* had sixty thousand more Federal prisoners than they had of 
Confederates, six thousand more of Confederates died in northern 
prisons than died of Federals in southern prisons ; second, the 
want and suffering of men in northern prisons caused me to ask 
for permission to send out cotton and buy supplies for them. 
The request was granted, but only on condition that the cotton 
should be sent to New York and the supplies be bought there. 
General Beale, now of St. Louis, was authorized to purchase and 
distribute^the needful supplies. 

Our sympathy rose with the occasion aud responded to its de- 
mands—not waiting for ten years, then to vaunt itself when it 
could serve no good purpose to the sufferers. 

Under the mellowing influence of time, occasion and demon- 
strations at the North of a desire for the restoration cf peace and 
good will, the southern people have forgotten much — have for- 
given much of the wrongs they bore. If it be less so among their 
invaders, it is but another example of the rule that the wrong- 
doer is less able to forgive than he who has suffered causeless 
wrong. "It is not, however, generally among those who braved 
the hazards of battle that unrelenting vindictiveness is to be 
found. The<brave are generous and gentle. It is the skulkers 
of the fight — the Blaines — who display their flags on an untented 
field. They made no sacrifice to prevent the separation of the 
States. Why should they be expected to promote the confidence 
and good will essential to their union. 

When closely confined at Fortress Monroe, I was solicited to 
add my name to those of many esteemed gentlemen who had 
signed a petition for my pardon, and an assurance was given that 
on my doing so the President would order my liberation. Confi- 
dent of the justice of our cause and the rectitude of my own con- 
duct, I declined to sign the petition, and remained subject to the 
. inexcusable privations and tortures which Dr. Craven has but 
-faintly described. When, after two years of close confinement, I 
•was admitted to bail, as often as required I appeared for trial un- 
der the indictment found against me, but in which Mr. Blaine's 
fictions do not appear. The indictment was finally quashed on 

168 Southern Historical Monthly. 

no application of mine; nor have I ever evaded or avoided a trial 
upon any charge the General Government might choose to bring 
against me, and have no view of the future which makes it de- 
sirable to me to be included in an amnesty bill. 

Viewed in the abstract or as a general question, I would be 
glad to see the repeal of all laws inflicting the penalty of political 
disabilities on classes of the people tnat it might, as prescribed 
by the Constitution, be left to the courts to hear and decide causes, 
and to affix penalties according to pre-existing legislation. ,'The 
discrimination made against our people is unjust and impolitic, 
if the fact be equality and the purpose be fraternity among the 
citizens of the United States. Conviction and sentence without 
a hearing, without jurisdiction, and affixing penalties for ex post 
facto legislation, are part of the proceeding which had its appro- 
priate end in the assumption by Congress of the Executive func- 
tion of granting pardons. To remove political disabilities which 
there was not legal power to impose, was not an act of so much 
grace as to foria a plausible pretext for the reckless diatribe of 
Mr. Blaine. 

The papers preserved by Dr. Stevenson happily furnish full 
proof of the causes of disease and death at Anderson ville. They 
are now, I believe, in Richmond, and it is to be hoped their pub- 
lication will not be much longer delayed. I have no taste for 
recrimination, though the sad recitals made by our soldiers, re- 
turned from northern prisons, can never be forgotten. And you 
will remember the excitement these produced, and the censorious 
publications which were uttered against me because I would not 
visit on the helpless prisoners in our hands such barbarities as, 
according to reports, had been inflicted upon our men. 

Imprisonment is a hard lot at the best, and prisoners are prone 
to exaggerate their sufferings, and such was probably the case on 
both sides. But we did not seek by reports of committees, with 
photographic illustrations, to inflame the passions of our people. 
How was it with our enemy ? Let one example suffice. Yoa 
may remember a published report of a committee of the United 
States Congress, which was sent to Annapolis to visit some ex- 
changed prisoners, and which had appended to it the photographs 
of some emaciated subjects, which were offered as samples of pris- 
oners returned from the South. 

Jefferson Davis 7 reply to Blaine. 169 

When a copy of that report was received I sent it to Colonel 
Ould, commissioner for the exchange of prisoners, and learned, 
as I anticipated, that the photographs, as far as they could be 
identified, had been taken from men who were in our hospital 
when they were liberated for exchange, and whom the hospital 
surgeon regarded as convalescent but too weak to be removed with 
safety to themselves. The anxiety of the prisoners to be sent to 
their homes had prevailed over the objections of the surgeon. 
But this is not all ; for I have recently learned from a priest, who 
was then at Annapolis, that the most wretched-looking of these 
photographs was taken from a man who had never been a pris 
oner, but who had been left on the " sick list ; ' at Annapolis when 
the command to which he was attached had passed that place on 
its southward march. 

Whatever may be said in extenuation of such imposture be- 
cause of the exigencies of war, there can be no such excuse now 
for the attempts of Mr. Blaine, by gross misrepresentation and 
slanderous accusation, to revive the worst passions of the war ; 
and it is to be hoped that, much as the event is to be regretted, it 
will have the good effect of evoking truthful statements in regard 
to this little understood subject from men who would have pre- 
ferred to leave their sorrowful story untold if the subject could 
have been allowed peacefully to sink into oblivion. 

Mutual respect is needful for the common interest, is essential 
to a friendly union, and when slander is promulgated from high 
places, the public welfare demands that truth should strip false- 
hood of its power for evil. 

I am, respectfully and truly, your friend, 

Jefferson Davis. 

170 Southern Historical Monthly. 

[From the New York Sun, February 23, 1876.] 



Not Civilized Warfare^ but Murder — Prisoners of War Marched over a 
Road Supposed to be Planted with Torpedoes. 

New Orleans, Feb. 15th" 1S76. 

My Dear Sir : I regret to find from your letter of inquiry 
that Gen. Sherman seeks to excuse one of those violations of the 
rules of civilized warfare which characterized his campaign 
through Georgia and South Carolina by the easily refuted slan- 
der to which you call my attention, namely, that in his employ- 
ment of Confederate prisoners during that campaign to search 
for and dig up torpedoes, he acted " only in retaliation " for like 
employment of Federal prisoners by Confederate commanders — 
an assertion reckless even for Gen. Sherman, whose heedlessness 
of what he writes and speaks was notorious before the appear- 
ance of his Memoirs. 

I myself can recall no occasion when Federal prisoners were 
or could have been employed as alleged by that General, even 
had it been legitimate and not a shocking inhumanity to do so ; 
that is to say, I don't believe Gen. Sherman can specify, with 
4aie, any place that came into the possession of the Confederates 
during the war where torpedoes were planted,*which they bad to 
remove either by resort to the use o? Federal prisoners or any 
other means. There certainly was ; never such a place or occasion 
in the departments which I commanded. 

I recollect distinctly, however, learning immediately after 
the fall of Savannah that Gen. Sherman himself had put Confed- 
erate prisoners to this extraordinary use in his approach to that 
city, as also after the capture of Fort McAllister, and I thereupon 
made, through my chief uf staff, Col. G. W. Brent, a requisition 
-on our Commissary of Prisoners of War, Gen. Winder, for a de- 
tachment of Federal prisoners, to be employed in retaliation 
.should the occasion occur. I further recollect that Gen. Winder 
answered that under his instructions from the Confederate War 

Beauregard on Sherman. 171 

Department lie could not comply ; also, thatin his belief prison- 
ers could not rightfully be >;o employed. 

That Gen. Sherman, as I had heard, at the time did so employ 
his prisoners stands of record at page 194, vol. 2, of his 
Memoirs : 

" On the 8th (December, 1SG4), as I rode along I found the 
column turned out of the main road marching through the fields. 
Close by one of the corners of the fence was a group of men 
standing around a handsome young officer whose foot had ,been 
blown to pieces by a torpedo planted in the road ; he told me 
that he was riding along with the rest of his brigade staff of the 
Seventeenth Corps, when a torpedo, trodden on by his horse, had 
exploded, killing the horse and literally blowing off all of the 
flesh from one of his legs. I saw the terrible wound, and made 
full inquiry into the facts. There had been no resistance at that 
point, nothing to give warning of the danger-: the -rebels had 
planted 8 inch shells in the road, with friction matches to ex- 
plode them by being trodden on. This was not war but murder 
and it made me very angry. I immediately ordered a lot of 
rebel prisoners to be brought from the provost guard, with picks 
and spades, and made them march in close order along the road so as 
to explode or discover and dig them up. They begged hard, but 
I reiterated the order, and could hardly help laughing at their 
stepping so gingerly along She road, where it was supposed 
sunken torpedoes might explode at each step, but they found no 
other until near Fort McAllister/' 

Here we have his @wn confession that he pushed a mass of un- 
armed men, prisoners of war, ahead of his column to explode 
torpedoes which he apprehended were placed in the approaches 
to a strongly fortified position, his ability to carry which he 
greatly doubted, as may be seen from his Memoirs. 

He does not there pretend that he acted in retaliation at all, 
but because, forsooth, he was angry that one of his officers had 
been badly wounded by a torpedo which had been planted in his 
path, " without giving warning of danger."' Surely his own nar- 
rative, with its painful levity, gives as bad a hue to the affair as 
Gen. Sherman's worst enemies could wish. 

It remains to be said that he omitted mention of another in- 
stance of this unwarrantable employment of prisoners of war. 

172 Southern Historical Monthly. 

After Gen. Hazen (on Dec. 13, 1SG4), had handsomely assaulted 
and carried Fort McAllister, Gen. Sherman, in person, ordered 
the Confederate engineer officer of the fort, with sixteen men of 
that garrison then prisoners of war, to remove all the torpedoes 
in front of the fort which might remain unexploded — gallant 
soldiers, who under their commander, Major G. W. Anderson t 
had " only succumbed as each man was individually overpower- 
ed," (Gen. Hazen's official report). Major Anderson in his re- 
port says: " This hazardous duty (removal of the torpedoes) was 
performed without injury to any one ; but it appearing to me an 
unwarrantable and improper treatment of prisoners of war, I 
have thought it right to refer to it in this report." 

Gen. Sherman might, with equal right, have pushed a body of 
prisoners in front of an assaulting column to serve as a gabion 

His manner of relating the incident, which I have quoted in 
his own words, is calculated to give the impression that the use 
of torpedoes is something so abhorrent in regular warfare that 
he could subject his unarmed prisoners to the hazard of explo- 
ding them and deserve credit for the act — a strange obliquity in 
the general-in-chief of an army which has at the present mo- 
ment a special torpedo, corps attached to it as an important defen- 
sive resource to fortified places — in one who, moreover, was care- 
fully taught at West Point how to plant the equivalent of torpe- 
does, as known to engineers of that day, i. e. crows' feet, trim de 
loup, fougasses mines. 

For my own part, from the day of the capitulation of Fort 
Sumter in 1861, when, in order to save a brave soldier and his 
command from all unnecessary humiliation, I allowed Major 
Robert Anderson the same terms offered before the attack, and to 
salute his flag with fifty guns and go forth with colors flying and 
drums beating, taking off company and private property, down 
to the close of the war, I always favored and practised the most 
liberal treatment of prisoners. At the same time, however, I 
always urged the policy of rigid and prompt retaliation, at all 
cost, for every clear infraction of the settled laws of war; for 
history shows it to be the only effectual method of recalling an 
enemy from inhuman courses. Washington never hesitated to 
apply this painful remedy during our Revolutionary war. 
I am yours most truly, 

G. T. Beauregard. 

A Letter from Gen. Jubal A. Early. 173 


Treatment of Federal Prisoners in Confederate Prisons — 
General John II. Winder. 

To the Editor of the Dispatch : 

Now that the subject of the treatment of prisoners of war on 
both sides during the late war has been re opened, it has occurred 
to me that it would not be inappropriate to do an act of simple 
justice to an officer and gentleman whose conduct and character 
have been grossly misrepresented, and upon whose memory a vast 
deal of unjust obloquy has been cast. 

Some months ago Capt. W. S. Winder, the son of General John 
H. Winder, sent to me, with a request for my advice as to its pub- 
lication, a letter from the late Colonel George W. Brent, of Alex- 
andria, who was for some time connected with the Army of Ten- 
nessee (Confederate) as Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General, 
and was with General Beauregard in the South in the winter of 
1864-'65 ; and a short time before the opening of the late debate 
in Congress on the Amnesty bill, Captain Winder sent me also a 
letter from the Hon. James A. Seddon, written to him in Decem- 
ber last. He feels a very natural and laudable desire to vindicate 
the memory of his father, who died a short time before the sur- 
render of the Confederate armies, and therefore had no opportu- 
nity of defending himself against the charges that have been made 
against him since the close of the war. In order to relieve Capt. 
Winder, who was for a time my comrade and friend in exile, of 
the embarrassment he labors under in regard to appearing in 
print in defense of his father, I take the responsibility of publish- 
ing both the letters referred to while the public attention is di- 
rected to the subject of w*hich they treat. The fact stated by Col. 
Brent is a very pregnant one to prove that General Winder was 
not actuated by the fiendish spirit attributed to him by many 
northern men ; for if Sherman in fact proved himself to be in a 
small way the precursor of the dynamite experimentalist by 
planting torpedoes and shells on the Atlanta and West Point 
railroad, thus jeopardizing the lives of the unoffending negroes 
who might be employed to repair it, and perhaps the lives of in- 
nocent women and children travelling over the road, it would 

174 Southern Historical Monthly. 

probably have been a justifiable act to employ some of the Federal 
prisoners to prevent the mischief designed by their own friends ; 
and the fact that General Winder refused to obey the call upon 
him for prisoners to be employed in that way, shows how scru- 
pulous lie was in the observance of the rules of war and humanity.. 
and that he was incapable of the acts of barbarity imputed to him 
by his accusers. 

The letter of the Hon. James A, Seddon is a strong and con- 
vincing vindication of General Winder's character as a 'humane 
and honorable man. That the bigoted and prejudiced on the 
other side shall effect to disbelieve and disregard the statements 
of both Colonel Brent and Mr. Seddon is to be expected ; but can- 
did men of all sides must concede that the letter of Colonel Brent, 
written at a time when not only he could have no motive for mis- 
stating the fact to which he refers, but when his statement 
might by some be thought to be prejudicial to the officer on 
whose staff he occupied a prominent position, bears on its face the 
evidence of the truth of what he says; and the character of Mr. 
Seddon will command for his- statement the credence of all fair- 
minded men. 

Without intending to enter into the discussion of the treatment 
of prisoners on either side, for it so happened that during the 
w T hole war I saw neither the inside nor the outside of any prison 
for the custody of prisoners of war, Confederate or Federal, I may 
be permitted to refer to a specimen of the kind of testimony that 
was taken before the commission that tried poor W r itz, or Mrs. 
Surratt and others, I forget which, for the inquiry in both cases 
assumed a very wide range, to prove barbarity at the Anderson- 
ville prison. Boston Corbett, who shot Wilkes Booth, was intro- 
duced as a witness, and among other things he swore that, being 
confined at Andersonville as a prisoner of w r ar, he and one or 
more other prisoners made their escape ; that bloodhounds, kept 
for the purpose of hunting down escaped prisoners, w T ere put on 
their tracks ; that he took refuge in a thicket of brush-wood, 
where belay down, and that one of the bloodhounds got so near 
as to rub its nose against his nose. When asked if the hound dis- 
covered him, and if so how it was that it did him no harm, he 
replied, very cooly, that the hound did not notice him, and he 
made his escape, and he supposed it was because he served the 

A Letter from Gen. Jubal A. Early. 175 

same Lord that Daniel served when he was cast into the den of 
lions ! 

I will also reproduce, with a few comments thereon, an order 
issued by the War Department at Washington the 3rd of July. 
1SG3, while the battle of Gettysburg was being fought, by which 
it was declared that all paroles not given at certain places speci- 
fied in the cartel of July, 1S62, or by mutual agreement between 
the commanders of the two opposing armies, would be disregarded. 
and the persons giving them would be returned to duty without 
exchange. J republish the order now because, so far as I have 
seen, it has not been referred to by those who have undertaken 
to vindicate the ConfecTerate Government on the question of the 
treatment of prisoners of war. It is very manifest that that order 
was issued for the purpose of embarrassing General Lee's army 
with the guarding and feeding of the prisoners, amounting to 
several thousand, then in our. hands ; and in consequence of Un- 
order, information of which reached us immediately, General Lee 
sent a flag of truce to Meade on the 4th of July, after the close of 
the battle, with a proposition to exchange prisoners. The latter 
declined the proposition, alleging a want of authority to make 
the exchange, or from his own views of polity, he positively de- 
clined to entertain the proposition ; I am not certain which. 

According to the laws of war in the earliest ages, a captive in 
war forfeited his life. Subsequently, in the cause of humanity, 
the penalty of death was-com muted to slavery for life; and this 
continued to be a law of: war for more than one half of the Ciiris. 
tian era, notwithstanding it has been so often said that slavery 
disappeared in Europe before the spirit of Christianity; in fact, it 
was the number of captives in war reduced to slavery from among 
the Sclavi or Sclavonians, in the eighth century, under the bul- 
wark of the Church, Charlemagne, that caused the distinctive and 
and modern appelation of " slaves" to be applied to all those held 
to involuntary servitude. In the age of chivalry, when knights- 
errant, and more especially the Crusaders, wanted money more 
than they did slaves, they sold their slaves their freedom, and the 
practice of releasing prisoners for a ransom was resorted to, and 
continued to be a law of war until a comparatively modern date, 
when with the growth of regular armies the practice of releasing 
prisoners on parole became a recognized rule of civilized warfare 

176 Southern Historical Monthly. 

among Christian nations. It lias never, however, been a law of 
war that the obligation of a prisoner to observe his parole depends 
upon the assent of his own Government; but, on the contrary, 
the right of a prisoner to obtain his release from captivity by 
giving his parole of honor not to serve against his captors until 
exchanged or otherwise released is derived from the fact that by 
his captivity he is placed beyond the protection of his Govern- 
ment, and therefore has the right to provide for his own safety by 
giving the requisite pledge, anrl all civilized nations recognize 
the binding force of that pledge or parole. 

The rule is laid down by Vattel, pp. 414 and 415, as follows : 

" Individuals, whether belonging to the army or not, who hap- 
pen singly to fall in with the enemy, are, by the urgent necessity 
of the circumstance, left to their own discretion, and may, so far 
as concerns their own persons, do everything which a commander 
might do with respect to himself and the troops under his com- 
mand. If, therefore, in consequence of the situation in which 
they are involved, they make any promise, such promise (pro- 
vided it does not extend to matters which can never lie within 
the sphere of a private individual) is valid and obligatory, as be- 
ing made with competent powers. For, when a subject can nei- 
ther receive his sovereign's orders nor enjoy his protection, ho 
resumes his natural rights, and is to provide for his own safety 
by any just and honorable means in his power. Hence, if that 
individual has promised a sum for kis ransom, the sovereign, so 
far from having the power to discharge him from his promise, 
should oblige him to fulfill it. 

" The good of the State requires that faith should be kept on 
such occasions, and that subjects should have this mode of saving 
their lives or recovering their liberty. 

" Thus, a prisoner who is released on his parole is bound to 
observe it with scrupulous punctuality, nor has the sovereign a 
right to oppose such observance of his engagement; for had not 
the prisoner thus given his parole he would not have been re- 

The same doctrine is laid down by publicists generally. 

The question of exchange of prisoners is a matter of agreement 
between the opposing powers, but the question of parole is not. 
The paroles stipulated for in the cartel of July, 1862, were paroles 

A Letter from Gen. Jubal A. Early. J77 

with a view to subsequent exchange, and the stipulation did not 
create the right of a prisoner of war to be released from captivity 
on his parole ; that existed prior to and independent of the cartel. 
It existed by virtue of a " higher law " [if I may be permitted to 
use a phrase so much in vogue in former times among those who 
now attach so much importance to unwavering fidelity to the 
Constitution, in their view of it], than an order from the Federal 
Secretary of War — the law of seli-preservation. If I had found 
myself at any time during the war a prisoner in the hands of the 
enemy, about to be dragged to a northern prison, where I am 
sure confinement for a very short time would have killed me, or 
run me mad, and my captors had been humane enough to release 
me on my parole of honor not to serve again until exchanged, I 
am sure I would have thought my Government more barbarous 
than the enemy if it had required of me a violation of my parole 
and a return to duty without exchange; but I feel confident no 
such dishonor Mould ever have been required of me by that Gov- 
ernment, for I do know that the paroles of some of my own men, 
captured at Williamsburg on the 5th of May, 1862, more than two 
months before the cartel was adopted, and for special reasons, 
paroled within a week of their capture, were respected, and they 
were regularly exchanged. Mr. Stanton, in issuing the order of 
3d of July, 1868, violated the laws of civilized warfare, and the 
statement contained therein that the Confederate Government 
("the enemy ") had pursued the same course was a mere pretext 
to give color to his own unwarrantable act. But for that order 
all the prisoners captured by us at Gettysburg, amounting to fully 
six thousand, would have been paroled, and, in fact, the proper 
staff officers were proceeding to parole them, and had actually 
paroled and released a large number of them, when news came of 
the order referred to. Why did Mr. Stanton object to the parol- 
ing of these prisoners ? and why did he prefer that they should be 
confined in prisons in the South — " prison pens," as northern 
Republicans are pleased to call them — rather than that they 
should be sent to their own homes on parole, there to remain in 
comfort until duly exchanged, if it was not to embarrass the Con- 
federate Government with the custody and support of them, re- 
gardless of any consideration for their health or their lives ? If 
he did not think proper to exchange Confederate prisoners in his 

178 Southern Historical Monthly. 

hands for them he could have refused to do so, and certainty their 
presence at their own homes could have done no harm to his 
cause; most assuredly not more than their own confinement in a 
prison, in a climate to which they were unaccustomed. If the 
rule asserted in his order is among the laws and usages of war r 
then it must follow that if General Lee had not been able to 
guard or feed the prisoners in his hands, he would have had the 
right to resort to that dread alternative to which the first Napo- 
leon resorted in Asia when he found the paroles granted by him 
not respected, and destroy the prisoners in his hands. If any of 
the prisoners brought from Gettysburg, or subsequently captured- 
lost their lives at Andersonville r or any other Southern prison, is 
it not palpable that the responsibility for their deaths rested on 
Edwin M. Stanton ? 

With these remarks I subjoin the letters and the order referred 
to. J. A. Early. 

Alexandria, April 3, 1868. 

My Dear Captain. — Yours of the 2d has been received, and in 
reply I beg leave to say that I have no copies of the letters and 
orders referred to, but I have an entry in my journal of the date 
of the 9th of January, 1865, whilst headquarters were at Mont- 
gomery, Ala. The entry is substantially as follows : " In pursu- 
ance of orders I addressed a letter to Gen. Winder, requesting 
him to turn over thirty Federal prisoners to Major Hottle, quar- 
termaster, for the purpose of taking oul sub-terra shells and tor- 
pedoes from the cuts in the West Point and Atlanta railroad. 
Shortly afterwards I received from General Winder a reply, sta- 
ting that he could not comply with the request, as it would not 
only violate the orders of the War Department, but would be in 
contravention of the laws and usages of war." 

I have no objection to your using this information on such 
occasions and terms as you may deem proper for the vindication 
of your father, but I would suggest this consideration: that a 
public use in the present heated and embittered condition of po- 
litical affairs would result in no practical use, and might possibly 
create unnecessary prejudice against those now living and to 
southern interests. 

Very truly yours, 
[Signed] George W. Brent. 

A Letter from Gen. Jtibal A. Early. 179 

Sabot Hill, December 26, 1875. 
Mr. W. S Winder. Baltimore : 

Dear Sir. — Your letter reached me some two weeks since, and I 
have been prevented by serious indisposition from giving it an 
earlier reply. 

I take pleasure in rendering my emphatic testimony to relieve 
the character and reputation of your father, the late General 
John H. Winder, from the unjust aspersions that have been cast 
upon them in connection with the treatment of the Federal, pris- 
oners under his charge during our late civil war. 

I had, privately and officially, the fullest opportunity of know- 
ing his character and judging his disposition and conduct to- 
wards the Federal prisoners ; for those in Richmond, where he 
was almost daily in official communication with me, often in re- 
spect to them, had been some time under his command, before,. 
in large measure from the care and kindness he was believed to> 
have shown to them, he was sent South to have the supervision. 
and control of the large number there being aggregated. 

His manners and mode of speech were, perhaps, naturally 
somewhat abrupt and sharp, and his military bearing may have 
added more of sternness and imperiousness ; but these w r ere 
mere superficial traits, perhaps, as I sometimes thought, assumed 
in a manner to disguise the real gentleness and kindness of his 

I thought him marked b\ real humanity towards the weak 
and helpless — such as women and children, for instance — by that* 
spirit of protection and defence which distinguished the really 
gallant soldier. 

To me he always expressed sympathy, and manifested a strong 
desire to provide for the wants and comforts of the prisoners un- 
der his charge. Very frequently, from the urgency of his claims 
in behalf of the prisoners while in Richmond, controversies 
would arise between him and the commissary General, which 
were submitted to rne by them in person for my decision, and I 
was struck by his earnestness and zeal in claiming the fullest sup- 
plies the law of the' Confederacy allowed or gave color of claim to. 
This law required prisoners to have the allowance provided for 
our soldiers in the field, and constituted the guide to the settle- 

180 m Southern Historical Monthly. 

ment of such questions. Strict injunctions were invariably given 
from the Department for the observance of this law, both then 
and afterwards, in the South, and no departure was to be tolera- 
ted from it except under the direst straits of self-defence. Your 
father was ever resolved, as far as his authority allowed, to act 
upon and enforce the rule in behalf of the prisoners. 

When sent South I know he was most solicitous in regard to 
all arrangements for salubrity and convenience of . location for 
the military prisons, and for all means that could facilitate the 
supplies and comforts of the prisoners and promote their health 
and preservation. That afterwards great sufferings were endured 
by the prisoners in the South was among the saddest necessities 
of the war: but they were due, in large measure, to the cessation 
of exchange, which forced the crowding of numbers, never con- 
templated, in the limited prison bounds which could be consid- 
ered safe an the South, to the increasing danger of attack on such 
places, which made southern authorities and commanders hostile 
to the establishment of additional prisons in convenient localities, 
and to the daily increasing straits and deficiencies of supplies of 
the Confederate Government, and not to the want of sympathy 
or humanity on the part of your father or his most earnest efforts 
to obviate and relieve the inevitable evils that oppressed the un- 
fortunate prisoners. I know their sad case and his impotency to 
remedy it caused him keen anguish and distress. 

Amid the passions and outraged feelings yet surviving our ter- 
rible struggle it may be hard still to have justice awarded to the 
true merits and noble qualities of your father, but in future and 
happier times I doubt not all mists of error obscuring his name 
and fame will be swept away under the light of impartial inves- 
tigation, and he will be honored and revered, as he ought to be 
among the most faithful patriots and gallant soldiers of the 

Southern Confederacy. 

Very truly yours, 
[Signed] James A. Seddon. 

War Department, 
Adjutant-General's Office, 
Washington, July 3, 1863. 
General Orders, No. 209. 

1. The attention of all persons in the military service of the 

A Letter from Gen. Jubal A. Early. 181 

United States is called to article 7 of the cartel agreed upon 
July 23, 1SG2, and published in General Orders No. 142, Septem- 
ber 25, 1S62. According to the terms of this cartel all captures 
must be reduced to actual possession, and all prisoners of war 
must be delivered at the places designated, there to be exchanged 
or paroled until exchange can be effected. The only exception 
allowed is the case of commanders of two opposing armies, who 
were authorized to exchange prisoners or to release them on 
parole at other points mutually agreed upon by said com- 

2. It is understood that captured officers and men have been 
paroled and released in the field by others than commanders of 
opposing armies, and that the sick and wounded in hospitals 
have been so paroled and released in order to avoid guarding 
and removing them, which in many cases would have been im- 
possible. Such paroles are in violation of general orders and 
the stipulations of the cartel, and are null and void. They are 
not regarded by the enemy, and will not be respected by the 
armies of the United States. Any officer or soldier who gives 
such parole will be returned to duty without exchange, and, 
moreover, will be punished for disobedience of orders. It is the 
duty of the captor to guard his prisoners, and if through neces- 
sity or choice he fails to do this, it is the duty of the prisoner to 
return to the service of his Government. He cannot avoid this 
duty by giving an unauthorized military parole. 

3. A military parole not to serve until exchanged must not be 
confounded with a parole of honor to do or not to do a particular 
thing not inconsistent with the duty of a soldier; thus, a pris- 
oner of war actually held by the enemy may, in order to obtain 
exemption from a close guard or confinement, pledge his parole 
of honor that he will make no attempt at escape. Such pledges 
are. binding upon the individuals giving them ; but they should 
seldom be given or received, for it is the duty of a prisoner to 
escape if able to do so. Any pledge or parole extorted from a 
prisoner by ill usage is not binding. 

4. The obligations imposed by the general laws and usages of 
w T ar upon the combatant inhabitants of a section of country pass- 
ed over by an invading army closes when the military occupa- 

182 Southern Historical Monthly. 

tion ceases, and any pledge or parole given by such pesrons, in 
regard to future service, is null and of no effect. 
By order of the Secretary of War. 

[Signed] E. D. Towksend, A. A. G/ 

letter from general braxton bragg. 

Galveston, Texas, Nov. 19, 1875. 
Captain W. S. Winder, Baltimore : 

Dear Sir.— My memory does not now serve me as to the par- 
ticular interview to which you refer, but it is distinct as to the 
repeated efforts made by your father for the general amelioration 
of the condition of Federal prisoners under his charge, and es- 
pecially those at Andersonville. Had their own Government ex- 
hibited half the interest your father did in their welfare, we 
should have much less cause now for crimination on both sides. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Braxton Bragg, 

from general s. cooper. 
Extract from a letter from Genaral S. Cooper, formerly Adju- 
tant General of the Confederate States : 

Alexandria, Ya., July 9, 1871. 
Dr. R. R Stevenson — Dear Sir : 

* * vr vr ' * * * 

I can, however, with perfect truth declare as my conviction. 
that'General Winder who had the control of the Northern pris- 
oners, was an henest, upright and humane gentleman, and as 
such I had known him for many years. He had the reputation 

Note. — The fallacy of the reasoning and principles contained in this order is 
demonstrated by the extract given from Vattel. In consequence of the order one- 
division commander who fell into our hands, wounded, whom we could have 
brought off, though at the risk of his life, and a large number of other prisoners 
who were paroled (two or three thousand), were returned to duty in the Federal 
army without exchange, and among them was a Colonel, who pledged his honor 
that he would surrender himself and his regiment (paroled at the same time) if 
the validity of the parole was not recognized by his Government. 

J. A. E. 

Farewell to Johnston's Island. 183 

in the Confederacy of treating the prisoners confided to his gen- 
oral supervision with great kindness and consideration ; and 
fully possessed the confidence of the Government which would 
not have been the case had he adopted a different course of ac- 
tion towards them. 


Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

S. Cooper. 


I leave thy shores, oh, hated Isle, 

Where misery marked my days, 
And seek the land where loved one's smile, 
Where sunshine scenes the heart beguile 
In genial, balmy rays. 

I quit thy loathsome prison walls, 

With joyous bounding heart, 
To tread again dear Southern halls, 
To go where'er my duty calls, 

And bear my humble part. 

No more thy sorrows (God grant no more,) 

Will robe my prison cell, 
Nor ill-winds beat against my door, 
Nor storm's blast round my prison roar 

Within this Northern helL 

No more my cars will hear the cry 

0/ suffering braves for bread ; 
Nor scenes of sorrow meet mine eye, 
When those fare worse who cannot die, 

Than those already dead. 

But soft I'll drop a parting tear, 

In memory of those, 
Who lost to loving hearts fore'er, 
4 Now re>t in dreamless slumbers here 

♦Secure from heartless foes. 

Then Baste the steam and friendly wind, 

To bear me from the shore- — 
To leave this God -cursed soil behind, 
To bear me where my heart shall find 

Freedom forever more. 

184 Southern Historical Monthly. 



Letter from General Longstreet Soon after Gettysburg, 

[From the New Orler.ns Republican. 

We re-published from Scribner, on Saturday, a letter from Gen. 
Lee to Jeff. Davis, written on the 8th of August, 1863, in which 
the Confederate chieftain assumed all the responsibility for th^ 
disasters to his army at Gettysburg, and asked to be relieved from 
the command. There can be no doubt that this letter is genuine, 
and that General Lee was sincere in making the suggestions it 
contains. With this letter, and the General's reasons for writing 
it, we have nothing further to clo at present than call attention 
to the strong corroboratory relation it bears to one written by 
General Longstreet fifteen days before the former was penned. 
While Longstreet was encamped at Culpepper Court House, he 
received a letter from his uncle, Dr. A. B. Longstreet, LL.D., of 
Columbus, Ga., in which the Doctor urged his nephew to publish 
some of the facts connected with the battle of Gettysburg that his 
correct position and connection with that affair might be known. 
The General wrote to his uncle an answer, from which the sub- 
joined extract is now published for the first time. 

General Longstreet was opposed to the policy of attacking the 
LTnion army at the cemetery, and so expressed himself to General 
Lee, but was overruled by his commanding officer, and did the 
best he could to turn the mistake into success. His corps was 
first in readiness and first to make the attack. Other Confeder- 
ate commanders were so tardy in coming into action that the day 
was lost. Lee saw and acknowledged his error, thus doing full 
justice to the survivors, though he could not restore to life the 
thousands of brave men slain in attempting to carry out his rash 
policy. Appended to General Longstreet's letter is an extract 
from one written him some time ago by Captain T. J. Gorree, his 
aide-de-camp at Gettysburg : 

Battle of Gettysburg- 185 

"Camp, Culpepper Court House, July 24, 1SG3. 

11 My Dear Uncle : — As to our late battle I cannot say much. I 
have no right to say anything, in fact, but will venture a little 
for you alone. If it goes to aunt or cousins it must be under 
promise that it goes no further. The battle was not made as I would 
have had it. My idea was to throw ourselves between the enemy 
and Washington, select a strong position, and force the enemy to 
attack us. So far as it is given to man the ability to judge, we 
may say with confidence that we should have destroyed the Fed- 
eral arm} T , marched into Washington and dictated our terms, or 
at least held Washington and marched over as much of Pennsyl- 
vania as we cared to, had we drawn the enemy into attack upon 
our carefully-chosen position in his rear. General Lee chose the 
plans adopted, and he is the person appointed to choose and to 
order. I consider it a part of my duty to express my views to the 
commanding General. If he approves and adopts them, it is 
well ; if he does not, it is my duty to adopt his views and to exe- 
cute his orders as faithfully and as zealously as if they had been 
my own. I cannot help but think that great results would jhave 
obtained had my views been thought better of; yet I am much 
inclined to accept the present condition as for the best I hope 
and trust that it is so. 

u Your programme would all be well enough were it practica- 
ble, and was duly thought of, too. I fancy that no good ideas 
upon that campaign will be mentioned that did not receive their 
share of attention and consideration by General Lee. The few 
things that he might have overlooked himself I believe were sug- 
gested by myself. As we failed of success, I must take my part of 
the responsibility. In fact, I would prefer that all the blame 
should rest upon me. As General Lee is our commander, he 
should have all the support and influence that we can give him. 
If the blame — if there is any — can be shifted from him to me, I 
shall help him and our cause by taking it. I desire, therefore, 
that all the responsibility tnat can be put upon me shall go there 
and remain there. The truth will be known in time, and I leave 
that to show how much of the responsibility of the attack at Get- 
tysburg rests upon myself. 

lc Most affectionately yours, 


"Dr. A. B. Longstreet, LL.D., Columbus, Ga.'' 

186 Southern Historical Monthly. 

General Lee, in a letter >vritten to General Longstreet in Jan- 
uary, 1864, says: " Had I taken your advice at Gettysburg, in- 
stead of pursuing the course I did, how different all might have 
been." Captain T. J. Goree, of Houston, Texas, in a letter to 
General Longstreet, says: "Another important circumstance, 
which I distinctly remember, was in the winter of 1864, when you 
sent me from East Tennessee to Orange Court House with some 
dispatches to General Lee. Upon my arrival there General Lee 
asked me into his tent, where he was alone, with two or three 
northern papers on his table. He remarked that he had just 
been reading the Northern official reports of the battle of Get- 
tysburg ; that he became satisfied from reading those reports that 
if he had permitted you to carry out your plans on the third day, 
instead of making the attack on Cemetery Hill, we would have 
been successful." 

the second day's fight — letter from general longstreet 
response to general fitz hugh lee. 

Office of the New Orleans Republican, 

New Orleans, Feb. 16, 1S76. 
My Dear General — We find the subjoined paragraph going the 
rounds of the exchanges. As some further information seems to 
be asked for, perhaps you may have it in your power to sup- 
ply it. 

lee and longstreet. 

A letter from General Fitz Hugh Lee has been called out by 
that of General Longstreet, written to his uncle July 24, 1863? 
and saying that the battle of Gettysburg was not fought as he 
" would have had it," General Fitz Hugh Lee says : " Long- 
street's letter to his uncle is first rate in temper and tone, if it is 
genuine, and only given to the public in his self-defense. His 
splendid corps is encamped in the heart of all true Southerners. 
His own courage and soldierly wisdom during the war were of 
the highest order. If he had a different plan to fight Gettysburg 
upon, and it was given to General Lee before the battle, and Gen. 
Lee had written since regretting that he had not adopted it, I am 
one of those who are desirous to give him all the credit for mili. 

Battle of Gettysburg. 187 

J;ary sagacity General Lee himself (if all this be true) was willing 
to confer; but in common with an army of Confederates, I ask 
for all the facts in the case, and especially the whole of the letter 
said to have been written in January, 18G4, and of which only 
one short sentence has been published.'' 

We shall gladly publish anything on the subject you may 
think proper to prepare. 

Truly yours, 

T. G. Tracy. 

To Gen. James Longstreet. 

New Orleans, February 17, 1876. 
T. G. Tracy, Esq., New Orleans Republican : 

My Dear Sir — Your esteemed favor of yesterday is just re- 
ceived, and the contents carefull}* noted. 

I thank you for calling my attention to the inclosed slip con- 
taining extracts from a letter of General Fitz Hugh Lee, com- 
menting upon a letter written by me, in 18G3, to a near relative, 
and recently published, with extracts from a letter of General 
Robert E. Lee, and one from Captain Thomas J. Goree, in your 
valuable paper. 

You premise that " some further information seems to be ask- 
ed for " is certainly correct ; but that that information is really 
desired is another question. On the contrary, General Fitz Hugh 
Lee's letter, while it asks in so many words " for all the facts in 
the case/' clearly indicates in its style and tone a disposition to 
discredit the facts already before him, and a desire to avail him- 
self of political prejudice in forestalling public opinion as to 
facts yet to come. He says: " Longstreet's letter to his uncle is 
first raie in temper and tone if it is genuine, and only given to 
xhe public in self-defense." The genuineness of letters given to 
the public over one's own signature is not likely to be seriously 
questioned except by such as are capable of such disingenuous- 
ness. in this connection let me add that General Longstreet is 
not on his " self-defense." If General Fitz Hugh Lee had read 
the Letter, the genuineness of which he questions, he would have 
learned that General Longstreet was not only willing, but pre- 
ferred to abide his time till the omnipotence of truth should 
speak to his record. His letter was published owing to its cor- 

188 Southern Historical Monthly. 

roborative and sympathetic relations to one of General Robert 
E. Lee's written two weeks later. The publication was made, 
following the publication of General Robert E. Lee's letter, so 
that the facts might be known and noted in their proper connec- 
tion, not in attack or defense of any one. It is said that the 
readiest way to find a weak point on the enemy's line of battle is 
by the prompt and nervous fire from his batteries and his unu- 
sual display of force at the point. I may have unintentionally 
approached some tender point of General Fitz Hugh Lee's, hav- 
ing drawn his fire at such inopportune moment. Let me say for 
his benefit just here that no attack upon him has ever been con- 
templated by me, nor do I propose to attack any one else partic- 
ularly, but I expect to make known the truth whenever, in my 
judgment, occasion calls for it. 

Any one who has read General Robert E. Lee's letter of the 
eighth of August, 1863 (Scribners February number), my letter, 
written two weeks previously, and bearing upon the same mat- 
ter, Captain T. J. Goree's report of his interview with General 
Robert E. Lee during the winter of 1863-4, upon the same sub- 
ject, the extract from General Robert E. Lee's letter to General 
Longstreet : " Had I taken your advice (at Gettysburg) instead of 
pursuing the course I did, how different all might have been," 
and above all, General Robert E. Lee's well known and most 
noble remark, upon the held at Gettysburg : " it is all my fault," 
with fair and unprejudiced mind, must be impressed with the 
idea that there was some other plan than General Lee's for the 
great battle of Gettysburg, and that that plan was expressly 
made known to General Lee, before his battle was pitched. If 
General Fitz Hugh Lee has read these evidences upon this point 
(and there can be no reasonable doubt but he has), and really de- 
sires more definite information, in the interests of truth, it is 
probable that he or any other gentleman, would write me, in a 
spirit of politeness, if not in that regard that might follow his 
high^encomium upon my " soldierly wisdom," asking such items 
as he wished in further support of reported facts. 

Captain Thomas J. Goree, of Texas, joined me at the affair of 
Blackburn's Ford, Bull Run, on the eighteenth of July, 1861, 
where our first successful stand against General McDowell's ad- 
vance was made, the effect of which was the repulse of that ad- 

Battle of Gettysburg. ISO 

vance, which forced General McDowell to make his flank move 
around our left, thus delaying his operations and giving General 
Joseph E. Johnston time to make his masterly withdrawal from 
the valley of Virginia, and to throw his columns against General 
McDowell, giving us the handsome success at Bull Run. He 
served as aide-de-camp with me until the surrender of General 
Robert E. Lee, and although the most modest man in the army 
of Northern Virginia, he became about as well known in that 
army as General Fitz Hugh Lee, and was as highly respected, 
both for courage and veracity, as any officer of the Confederate 
service. In his letter, part of which was published with mine, 
that seems to have drawn down the displeasure of General Fitz 
Hugh Lee, he clearly states that General R. E. Lee not only ad- 
mitted that I had proposed another plan of battle, but that that 
plan, had it been executed, would have insured a Confederate 

In reply to General Fitz Hugh Lee's claim on an "army of 
Confederates " who have united with him in the spirit which his 
letter manifests in calling for all the facts, I shall be more frank 
than he, and confess that I do not believe that he is indorsed by 
an army, nor even. an army corps, in the tone and spirit of his 
letter ; nor can I believe it until he furnishes his army rolls. It 
is altogether probable that the great military critics, Parson J. 
William Jones, Parson Pendleton and General Early are mem- 
bers of this grand army, but even their combined authority as 
sage warriors, with that of General Fitz Hugh Lee, does not in 
the least shake my confidence in the ultimate triumph of truth. 
Meanwhile, however, I will refer General Fitz Hugh Lee to Col- 
onel Erasmus Taylor, of Orange Court House, Virginia, for au- 
thority as to the correctness of the extract from General Robert 
K Lee's letter. Colonel Taylor was quartermaster of the First 
Army Corps, is well known in Virginia, and was well known in 
our army as a gentleman of the highest order of probity and 
moral courage. 

I fear that your generous offer of the use of your columns may 
be sorely tested by this long letter, but I must beg your indul- 
gence until we have reached a more complete solution of the 
purpose of General Fitz Hugh Lee's letter. He says : " I am one 
of those who are desirous to give him (myself) all the credit for 

190 Southern Historical Monthly. 

military sagacity General Lee himself (if all this be true) was 
willing to confer.'* It strikes me, with considerable force, that 
this expressed desire is not altogether as sincere as the writer 
would have casual readers believe, else why did he write and 
publish a letter, the tone of which is so far contrary to the prop- 
er appreciation of his language ? Had any other gentleman en- 
tertained the feelings — to which he gives expression— toward a 
former comrade and friend, he would have generously written 
the gentleman for information that he claims to seek before pub- 
lishing a letter intended to forestall public opinion and to dis- 
credit the information already before him. The claim that Gen- 
eral Fitz Hugh Lee seems anxious to establish for himself and 
" army of Confederates," of being the sole arbiters to dispense or 
withhold certificates of soldierly attainments, may be well found- 
ed, but the fact has not yet been promulgated by authority that 
should warrant him. or Parson Jones, or Parson Pendleton, or 
General Jubal A. Early, to assume the mantles of a Xapoleon or 
a Wellington, and even with their " army of Confederates " be- 
hind them, undertake to brand the First Army Corps or its 

He professes that the services of the First Corps are encamped 
in the hearts of all true Southerners, but the spirit of his para- 
graph indicates an earnest desire to have them strike camp and 
"join the cavalry/' 

For myself, they may rest assured that I am unable to appre- 
ciate their pre-eminence, and therefore shall not apply to them 
for a military record this eleventh year of peace ; and it seems to 
me that the officers and soldiers of the First Corps had better 
stand to the record of the war, the record won by patient toil and 
endurance, amid sickness, hunger, near unto famine and death- 
dealing dangers, rather than seek reputation from those who oc- 
cupy their time of peace to make war records. 

General R. E. Lee has frequently used expressions of the high- 
est appreciaion of the organization, valor or prowess of the First 
Corps ; but such sentiments may not have been put in official 
reports ; or at least in such shape as to single and make promi- 
nent this corps. His official report of Gettysburg in connection 
with that of Major General George G. Meade, furnishes us ample 
proof, from the highest sources, that the First Corps of the Army of 

Battle of Gettysburg. 191 

Northern Virginia has left a record high above any like military 
organization, and they establish for us a record to be transmitted 
to our descendants that will stand like a tower against the as- 
saults of General Fitz Hugh Lee and his " army " as solid as Gi- 
braltar after the surging seas of many thousand years. 

Although it belongs to the history of the succeeding day, I 
should say now that the gallant assault of General Pickett's di- 
vision, so well known and so much commended, gives him and 
his brave troops just claims to a niche close up between their dis- 
tinguished compeers. 

General George G. Meade, commander of the Federal army — 
and the best army that the Federals ever had — reports of the 
battle of Gettysburg, second day, first day that the First Corps 
was engaged, viz : 

"About 3 p. m., I rode out to the extreme left to await the ar- 
rival of theFifth Corps and post it, when I found that Major 
General Sickles, commanding the Third Corps, not fully appre- 
hending my instructions in regard to the position to be occupied, 
had advanced, or rather was in the act of advancing his corps 
some half mile or three-quarters of a mile in front of the line of 
the Second Corps, on a prolongation which it was designed his 
corps should rest. 

" Having found Major General Sickles, I was explaining to him 
that he was too far in the advance, and discussing w T ith him the 
propriety of withdrawing, when the enemy opened upon him 
with several batteries in his front and his flank, and immediately 
brought forward columns of infantry and made a vigorous as- 
sault. The Third Corps sustained the shock most heroically, 
Troops from the Second Corps were immediately sent by Major 
General Hancock to cover the right flank of the Third Corps, 
and soon after the assault commenced the Fifth Corps most for- 
tunately arrived and took a position on the left of the Third 
Major General Sickles commanding, immediately sending a force 
to occupy " Round Top " ridge, where a most furious contest was 
maintained, the enemy making desperate but unsuccessful efforts 
to secure it. Notwithstanding the stubborn resistance of the 
Third Corps, under Major General Birney, (Major General Sickles 
having been w r ounded early in the action), superiority in num- 
bers of corps of the enemy enabling him to outflank its advanc- 

192 Southern Historical Monthly. 

ed position, General Birney was counseled to fall back and re- 
form behind the line originally desired to be held. 

" In the meantime, perceiving the great exertions of the ene- 
my, the Sixth Corps, Major General Sedgwick, and part of the 
First Corps, to which I had assigned Major General Newton, par- 
ticularly Lock wood's Maryland Brigade, together with detach- 
ments from the Secuiid Corps, were all brought up at different 
periods, and succeeded, together with a gallant resistance of the 
Fifth Corps, in checking and finally repulsing the assault of the 
enemy, who retired in confusion and disorder about sunset, and 
ceased any further efforts on our extreme left. 

" An assault was, however, made about S p. m. on the Eleventh 
Corps from the left of the town, which was repelled by the as- 
sistance of troops from the Secord and First Corps. During the 
heavy assault upon our extreme left, portions of the Twelfth 
Corps were~sent as reinforcements. 

" During their absence the line on the extreme right was held 
by a very much reduced force. This was taken advantage of by 
the enemy, who, during the absence of Geary's division of the 
Twelfth Corps, advanced and occupied part of the line." 

Our gallant band, in all but 13,000 strong (General J. B. Hood's 
and General Lafayette McLaw's divisions), attacked, at 3 : 40 p. 
m., the Third Army Corps of the Army of the Potomac, drove 
that command in at least half a mile, and it finally retired from 
the field. Immediately after our onset the Third Corps was re- 
inforced from the Second Corps by the gallant General Hancock, 
and General Meade then says : " The Fifth Corps most fortunate- 
ly arrived.' 7 And continues : " perceiving the great exertions of 
the enemy, the Sixth Corps, Major General Sedgewick, and part 
of the First Corps, together with detachments from the Second 
Corps, were all brought up at different periods, and succeeded, 
together with the gallant resistance of the Fifth Corps, in check- 
ing and finally repulsing the assault of the enemy." 

If this record, taken in connection with the official report of 
General Robert E. Lee of the same battle, does not fill the meas- 
ure of military renown of ever}' member of the First Corps he 
must have aspirations beyond mortal reach. 

Before leaving General Meade's report, it may be well to note 
his light allusion to the assault from the left of Gettysburg, about 

Buttle of Gettysburg. IDS 

8 p. m., of this day, and the occupancy of part of his line on his 
extreme right, after he had withdrawn a division from that point 
to reinforce on his left against me. 

Part of General Early's account of Gettysburg (Parson Jones' 
Personal Reminiscences of General Robert E. Lee) is- "The posi- 
tion which Longstreet attacked at four, was not occupied by the 
enemy until late in the afternoon, and Round Top Hill, which 
commanded the enemy's position, could have been taken in the 
morning without a struggle. The attack was made by two divis- 
ions, and though the usual gallantry was displayed by the troops 
engaged in it, no very material advantage was gained. "When 
General Lee saw his plans thwarted by the delay on our right, he 
ordered an attack to be made also from our left, to be begun by 
Johnson's division, on Gulp's Hill, and followed up by the rest of 
Ewell's corps, and also by Hill's. * * * This affair occurred 
just a little before dark." 

Speaking through his parson, one would think that General 
Early must speak close by the record, 

Aceording-to his account, General Lee had the key of the Fed- 
eral position in his hand, on the m rning of our assault, and 
failed io grasp it, preferring to await the uncertain movements of 
two divisions on a night march of twelve miles over a road ob- 
structed and much crowded by artillery and wagon trains, 
through a wet night, while he had in position before him six di- 
visions that had had a comfortable night's rest. This sounds so 
much like a calumny against General Lee and his staff, and, in- 
deed all of the officers of the second and third corps, except Gen- 
erals Early and Parson Pendleton, that I cannot withhold the 
desire'to brand it as such, unless he means that if I and my com- 
mand could have taken wings and flown from Greenwood to Big 
and Little Roundtop at daylight on the second we could have got 
that part of the position " without a struggle." But even then 
none but the most desperate struggle would have enabled my two 
divisions to hold the position, the six divisions of the Second and 
Third Corps only quietly looking on, as they did the entire day 
until 8 P. M. I am sure that we could not have held the posi- 
tion, had we gotten it " without a struggle," if General Meade's 
army was " at least 10.0,000 men," as General Early says. So that 
conviction forces itself upon me, that this is a little romance of 

194 Southern Historical Monthly. 

the General's, intended only for school boys, or else to cover his 
emergence from the walls of Gettysburg, under shades of ap- 
proaching darkness, for a parade that might hide his failure to 
meet the mandates of his chief. He says : " When General Lee 
saw his plans thwarted by the delay on the right, he ordered an 
attack to be made also from our left;" and says : " This affair oc- 
curred just a little before dark." So that (if we give credit to 
what he says) it was General Lee's intention from the beginning 
that my little band was to take upon itself the entire straggle, 
and unaided, beat General Meade's grand army from the field. 
His plans having failed on the right (if we accept General Early's 
evidence), General Lee then ordered the attack from our left,* thus 
badly exposing himself to the danger of being beaten in detaib 

General Early says that General Lee's army at Gettysburg num- 
bered considerably less than sixty thousand men of all arms. 
Let us call two thousand considerably less than sixty thousand, 
and put the cavalry force at eight thousand. We shall then have 
an army (infantry and artillery) of fifty thousand — three army 
corps of three divisions each, nine divisions in all, or an average 
5,555 men to a division — so that my two divisions, assigned for 
;he battle of the second day (my first day), had 11,110 men, in- 
cluding artiller} 7 , and were ordered by General Lee the delicate 
little task of beating a magnificent army of a hundred thousand 
men, very strongly posted in their choice position. 

The Parson General Pendleton's discourse upon General Robert 
E. Lee, shows nearly as comprehensive military views as General 
Early. He puts General Lee's army at " less than fifty thousand," 
and General Meade's " fully one hundred thousand," and attri- 
butes to me the loss of the battle, "and with it the cause of con- 
stitutional government." " What a head !" But we must defer 
the consideration of his case to a more convenient time. I fear 
me that Lee's noble spirit must wander from the sweet places 
where it should rest and linger ahout the rugged heights of Lex- 
ington in pleadings for shelter from the hands of friends that 
threaten to despoil a good name or a bright record. 

Now let us see what General Lee's report upon points touched 

*I hope that General Meade's allusion to General Early's battle upon his (Cte»3 
eral Meade's) right may be duly noted. 

Battle of Gettysburg. 195 

by General Early says of the second day's fight, viz : " In front 
of General Longstreet the enemy-held a position from which, if 
he could be driven, it was thought that our army could be used 
to advantage in assailing the more elevated ground, and thus en- 
able us to reach the crest of the ridge. That officer was directed 
to endeavor to carry this, while General Ewell attacked directly 
the high ground on the enemy's right, which had already been 
partially fortified. General Hill was instructed to threaten the 
centre of the Federal line, in order to prevent reinforcements be- 
ing sent to either wing, and to avail himself of any opportunity 
that might present itself to attack." And this is just what Gen. 
Lee told me, before the battle, of his orders. I cannot, therefore, 
believe that he failed to give the orders he states that he did, and 
exposed himself by detail, as General Early's account represents 
him to have done, an easy prey, nor shall I believe it until as- 
sured of the fact by his staff; nor even then will my doubts be 
entirely removed, for General Ewell, in his official report, ac- 
knowledges that he received his instructions from General Lee • 
" early in the morning" of the second day, though he does not 
use the precise language, in defining them, as that of General : 
Lee's report, and that used by him on giving my orders. 

Assuming that General Lee's orders were given in the terms 
that he and I claim, and that every comprehensive mind must 
have known that they were (otherwise we could not have been 
driven upon the Federal bayonets), let us suppose that the three 
divisions on his left — the three divisions in his centre co-operating 
— had developed equal energy and prowess in the executions of 
their orders, to that displayed by the two divisions on his right, 
and leave the probable result of the operations of the second field 
day at Gettysburg to conjecture. 

For the information of General Fitz Hugh Lee, let me say, that 
some two years ago I set about collecting "all the facts in the 
case" of Gettysburg, but that my labors have been interrupted 
more that a year by severe sickness, and that I still suffer severely. 
I hope, however, to eventually collect all of the facts, and of course, 
to publish them ; and let me assure him further, that the proof 
will be given that amendments to General Lee's plan of battle of 
the second day were also suggested before his troops became en- 
gaged ; at least, so far as to reinforce his main column of attack so 
as to make it equal to the others— three divisions. 
I am, sir, with great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

James Longstreet. 

^96 Southern Historical Monthly. 


In the New Orleans Republican of the 27th of February, a copy 
of which has been sent me by a friend, there is a communication 
from General Longstreet, which seems to have been called out by 
the recent letter of General Fitz Lee, in reference to the letter of 
the former to his uncle in July, 1863, about the battle of Gettys- 
burg. General Longstreet, however, does not confine himself to 
General Fitz Lee's letter, but, after a brisk fusillade upon the au- 
thor of that letter, he turns his columns and his batteries upon 
General Pendleton, the Rev. Jno. Wm. Jones and myself. He 
--attempts to demolish General Pendleton and Mr. Jones at one 
iblow, by dubbing them " parsons," and then levels what he evi- 
dently deems his heavy guns at me. What relation General 
Fitz Lee's very courteous, and as I thought entirely too compli- 
mentary, letter bears to General Longstreet's supposed grievances 
at the hands of General Pendleton, Mr. Jones and myself, I can- 
not conceive, and I can account for his making them all the sub- 
ject of one and the same assault, only upon the supposition that 
having repelled what he imagined to be a " cavalry raid," he 
thought it good policy to follow up his advantage by assailing 
the infantry and artillery, I will leave General Fitz Lee, Gene- 
ral Pendleton and Mr. Jones to speak for thumseles, but in refer- 
ence to General Longstreet's remark that: "Speaking through 
his parson, one would think that General Early must speak close 
by the record," I must say that my address, which Mr. Jones has 
done me the honor to copy into his " Personal Reminiscences oi 
General R. E. Lee," was delivered at Lexington, by invitation of 
the Faculty of Washington and Lee University, some three years 
before Mr. Jones' book was published, which fact General Long- 
street might have learned if he had read Mr. Jones' introducto- 
ry remarks ; and the address had gone through two editions be- 
fore the book was compiled. 

The gravamen of General Longstreet's complaint against me 
seems to be contained in the extract from my address which he 
gives as follows : 

" The position which Longstreet attacked at four, was not oc- 
cupied by the enemy until late in the afternoon, and Round Top 
Hill, which commanded the enemy's position, could have been 

Battle of Gettysburg* 197 

taken in the morning without a struggle. The attack was made 
by two divisions, and though the usual gallantry was displayed 
by the troops engaged in it, no material advantage was gained. 
When General Lee saw his plans thwarted by the delay on our 
right, he ordered an attack to be made also from our left, to be 
begun by Johnson's division, on Gulp's Hill, and followed up by 
the rest of Ewell's corps, and also by Hiil%. * * * * * 
This affair occurred just a little before dark." 

This passage in my address was prefaced by the description of 
an interview Gen. Lee had with Gen. Ewell, General Rodes and 
myself at the close of the first day of the battle, at the end of 
which he announced his purpose to attack the enemy's left from 
our right, and left us for the purpose of ordering up Longstreet's 
corps to begin the attack at dawn next morning; and I also 
stated that that corps was not in readiness to make the attack 
until four o'clock in the afternoon of the next day. I did not 
say who was to blame for the delay, but merely stated the fact. 
Of course no one expected that corps to begin the attack at dawn 
if it could not be brought up by that time, nor before it could be 
brought into position. The policy of an attack at the earliest 
hour possible next day was so apparent, that I have always taken 
it for granted that General Lee endeavored to carry out his de- 
clared purpose. 

In the omitted portion of the passage quoted by General Long- 
street, indicated by asterisks, I stated, in substance, the fact of the 
attack from our left, its partial success, and final failure because 
some of the troops ordered to co-operate did not move in time, 
by reason of which the enemy was enabled to bring a large force 
against my two brigades which had entered the enemy's breast- 
works at the Cemetry, thus compelling them to retire. I also 
stated that General Lee's orders had r.gain failed to be carried 
out, by reason of which the victory in our grasp was lost, and 
then follows the remark : " This affair occurred just before dark." 
The officers commanding the troops that foiled to co-operate, had 
as much right to complain as General Longstrcet, and his is no 
special grievance. I stated facts which I conceived to be suscep- 
tible of the clearest proof and demonstration. 

General Longstreet now assumes the role of a defender of Gen- 
eral Lee's fame against his friends, though his own statements 

198 Southern Historical Monthly. 

have furnished the material for the severest criticisms that have 
"been made on General Lee's management of the battle of Gettys" 
burg, as I will presently show — nay, I think I will show, before 
'I am done, that, immediately after that battle he laid the foun- 
dation for an insidious attack on General Lee r s reputation as a 
commander, and since the war he has persistently pursued his 
purpose up to this very moment, and all with the view of mag- 
nifying himself. In the very letter I am considering, there is a 
stealthy thrust at General Lee's fame under the assumed garb of 

I will examine the issues he has thought proper to make with 
me, in the order in which the events occurred to which they re- 
late, rather than in the order they occur in the letter. 

After giving the foregoing extract from my address, General 
Longstreet says : 

" According to his account General Lee had the key of the 
Federal position in his hand on the morning of our assault, and 
failed to grasp it, preferring to await the uncertain moyements of 
two divisions on a night march of twelve miles over a road obstruct- 
ed and much crowded by artillery and wagon trains, through a 
wet night 7 while he had in position before him, six divisions that 
had had a comfortable night's rest. This sounds so much like a 
calumny against General Lee and his staff, and indeed all of the 
officers of the second and third corps, except General Early, and 
Parson Pendleton, that I cannot withhold the desire to brand it 
as such, unless he means that if I and my command cotdcl have 
taken wings and flown from Greenwood to Big and Little Round Top at 
daylight on the second, we could have got that part of the position 
without a struggle." 

I have italicized three passages in the above paragraph in or- 
der to call especial attention to them. If the night of the 1st of 
July, 1863, was a wet night, or if a drop of rain fell that night, 
I venture to assert that the fact was not known to a solitary in- 
dividual among-the many thousands on both sides who slept on 
that field. It is not mentioned bv any of the Federal officers 
who were marching during that night, and testified before the 
committee on the conduct of the war; not even by Sedgwick, 
who was more than thirty miles away from the battle-field at 
dark, and had to march all night and until two o'clock, P. M., 

Battle of Gettysburg. 109 

next da}' to get up. He certainly would have mentioned the 
fact if it existed, in order to account for the lateness of his arri- 
val. There was a drenching rain on the 4th. but none before 
that day while we were at Gettysburg. Does General Longstreet 
mean to assert that he would have had to march twelve miles 
that night to get up to our lines, or that he was at Greenwood on 
the morning of the second ? General Lee, in his official report, 
after describing the events of the first, and the condition of 
things after the fight of that day, says : " Under these circum- 
stances it was decided not to attack until the arrival of Long- 
street, two of whose divisions, those of Hood and McLaws. encamped 
about four miles in rear during the night;" and General Longstreet, 
in his report, pages 49 and 50 of the proceedings of the Southern 
Historical Society, contained in the appendix to the Southern 
Magazine for April, 1874, after stating the reception of the news, 
through one of his scouts, of the movements of the enemy, 
says : 

" I received orders on the following day to move part of my 
command and encamp it at Greenwood. The command, except 
Pickett's Division — which was left to guard our rear at Chaui- 
bersburg — moved on the morning of the 30th, and the two di- 
visions and battalions of reserve artillery got into camp at Green- 
wood about two o'clock in the afternoon. Gen. Hood was ordered to 
put a brigade and a battery on picket at New Guilford, on the 
road leading to Emmettsburg. On the next day the troops set out 
for Gettysburg, except Pickett's Division, not yet relieved from 
duty at Chambersburg, and Law's brigade, left on picket at New 

Our march was greatly impeded on this day by Johnson's di- 
vision, of the 2nd corps, which came into the road from Shippens- 
burg, and the long wagon trains that followed him. McLaics 
division, however, reached Marsh Creek, four miles from Gettysburg, a 
little after dark, and Hood's division got within nearly the same distance 
of the town about 12 o'clock at night" 

The italics in both extracts are of course my own. There is 
nothing in Gen. Longstreet's report about its being a wet night, 
though he mentions other obstacles, and it will be seen that it 
would not have required either a march of twelve miles, through 
a wet night, or a flight from Greenwood on the wings of the 

200 Southern Historical Monthly. 

wind, or of a bird either, to carry him and his command to oar 
lines at a very early hour on the morning of the second. Jack- 
son under similar circumstances, would have been up in time, 
and it would not have required a special order either, when he 
knew a great battle had begun. I cannot conceive why Law's 
brigade should have been left on picket at New Guilford, nor 
why Johnson, coming from a greater distance, should have been 
allowed to get possession of the road, with all the trains under 
his escort, ahead of Longstreet's two divisions. 

I will here remark that the report of Gen. Longstreet .from 
which the foregoing extract is taken, was furnished the Southern 
Historical Society, by General E. P. Alexander, copied into the 
book kept for that purpose at the headquarters of the First Corps, 
and also in the form of a copy made off by General Alexander 
himself for publication. The report was published at my sug- 
gestion, as President of the Southern Historical Society, and it is 
the only one of the reports in regard to the battle of Gettysburg 
that has been published by that Society. The discrepancies be- 
tween the statements in General Longstreet's report and those in 
his communication to the Jiepublican, lead to the suspicion that 
the latter must have been written vicariously. 

General Longstreet thinks it very absurd to suppose, that Gen- 
eral Lee should have awaited the uncertain movements of his 
two divisions to make the attack on the enemy's left, " while he 
had in position before him, six divisions that had had a comfort- 
able night's rest," Now two of those divisions (Hill's) had 
marched from Cash Town on the first, and had had a severe en- 
gagement with the enemy, in which they suffered heavily, and 
two others (Ewell's) had marched from 12 to 14 miles and also 
fought the enemy, being, as Ewell says in his report (Southern 
Magazine for June, 1873), "jaded by 12 hours marching and 
fighting;" and the other division of Ewell's corps had marched 
a much greater distance than Longstreet's divisions, would have 
marched, if they had got up to our lines that night, Those di- 
visions of EwelFs and Hill's were confronting, all the night of 
the first, an enemy that was being constantly reinforced during 
the night, and General Longstreet ought to know that men do 
not have very comfortable or refreshing rest under such circum- 
stances. Moreover, none of those divisions were confronting the 

Battle of Gettysburg. 201 

position it was desired to assault, and Ewell's divisions would 
-have had to march a greater distance to get into position on the 
right, than Longstreet had to march and that in the face of the 
enemy. To have taken Hill's divisions to the right would have 
broken the continuity of the line, and made an opening between 
v the corps, of which the enemy would doubtless have taken ad- 
vantage to attack us, for Meade was contemplating an attack from 
his right all the morning, the greater part of his force being con- 
centrated there for that purpose. 

And here I would ask, when was it that General Longstreet 
got up? Who can tell? and why was he not up at sunrise at 
farthest, if he was not in fact up by that time? He says : 

" Now let us see what General Lee's report upon points touch- 
ed by General Early says of the second day's battle, viz: 'In 
front of General Longstreet the enemy held a position from which 
if he could be driven, it was thought that our army could be used 
to advantage in assailing the more elevated ground, and thus en- 
able us to reach the crest of the ridge. That officer was directed 
to endeavor to carry this, while General Ewell attacked di- 
rectly the high ground on the enemy's right, which had already 
been partially fortified. General Hill was instructed to threaten 
the centre of the federal line in order to prevent reinforcements 
being sent to either wing, and to avail himself of any opportu- 
nity that might present itself to attack.' And this is just what 
General Lee told me, before the battle, of his orders. I cannot, 
therefore, believe that he failed to give the orders he states that 
he did, and exposed himself by detail, as General Early's account 
represents him to have done, an easy prey, nor shall I believe it 
until assured of the fact by his staff; nor even then will my 
doubts be entirely removed, for General Ewell, in his official re- 
port, acknowledges that he received his instructions from Gene- 
ral Lee 'early in the morning 'of the second, though he does not 
use the preciselanguage in defining them as that of General Lee's 
report, and that used by him in giving my orders " 

General Longstreet pretends to quote from General Lee's report, 
but he gives precisely the same extract that is given in Professor 
Bates' "Battle of Gettysburg," page 111 — neither more nor less — 
and the fair presumption is that he quotes from Bates, instead of 
from any report in his possession. Now, I do not know where 

20B Southern Historical Monthly. 

Professor Bates got his quotation from, but it is very certain that 
'no sueli passage occurs in General Lee's authentic, detailed report 
of the battle. The original draft of that report is now in the pos- 
session of Colonel Charles Marshall, of Baltimore. It was loaned 
by him to Mr. Swinton after the war, and while in the possession 
of the latter he copied it. He subsequently sent the copy to the 
editor of the Historical Magazine, Morrisiana, New York, who pub- 
lished it in the number of his journal for February, 1SG9; from 
that magazine it was republished in the Southern Magazine for 
August, 1872, after being verified by Colonel Marshall, and from 
the latter journal it has lately been republished in the Southern 
Historical Magazine, published at Raleigh, North Carolina. It is 
very possible that some such passage may have occurred in the 
brief report sent immediately after the battle, as it was customary 
to send such reports in advance of the detailed reports, but they 
were hastily drawn, containing general outlines of battles merely , 
and were consequently indefinite and imperfect. If the extract 
is taken from a genuine report of that character, then I would 
call General Long-Street's attention to another extract given by 
Professor Bates, on pages 97 and 98, in which General Lee is made 
to say : 

"The attack was not pressed that afternoon, the enemy's force 
being unknown, and it being considered advisable to await the 
arrival of the rest of the troops. Orders were sent back to hasten their 
march, and in the meantime every effort was made to ascertain 
the number and position of the enemy, and find the most favora- 
ble point of attack." 

In General Lee's authentic, detailed report, pages 212 and 213, 
of the Southern Magazine for August, 1872, is the following state- 
ment : 

"The enemy occupied a strong position, with his right upon two 
commanding elevations adjacent to each other — Dne south-east, 
and the other, known as Cemetery Hill, immediately south of 
the town, which lay at its base. His line extended thence upon 
the high ground along the Emmetsburg road, with a steep ridge 
in the rear, which was also occupied. This ridge was difficult of 
ascent, particularly the two hills above mentioned, as forming its 
northern extremity, and a third at the other end, on which the 
enemy's left rested. Numerous stone and rail fences along the 

Battle of Gettysburg. 208 

slope served to afford protection to his troops and to impede our 
advance. In his front .'the ground was undulating and generally 
open for about three quarters of a mile. 

" General Ewell's corps constituted our left, Johnson's division 
being opposite the height adjoining Cemetery Hill, Early's in the 
centre, in front of the north face of the latter, and Rodes' upon his 
right. Hill's corps faced the west side of Cemetery Hill and ex- 
tended nearly parallel to the Emmetsburg road, making an angle 
with Ewell's. Pender's division formed his left, Anderson's his 
right; Hetlrs, under Brigadier-General Pettigrew, being in reserve. 
His artillery, under Colonel Walker, was posted in eligible posi- 
tion along the line. 

"It was determined to make the principal attack upon the 
enemy's left, and endeavor to gain- a position from which it was 
thought our artillery could be brought to bear with effect. Long- 
street was director! to place the divisions of McLaws and Hood 
on the right of Hill, partially enveloping the enemy's left, which 
he was to drive in. General Hill was ordered to threaten the 
enemy's centre to prevent reinforcements being drawn to either 
wing, and to co-operate with his right division in Longstreet's 
attack. General Ewell was instructed to make a simultaneous 
demonstration upon the enemy's right, to be converted into a real 
attack should opportunity offer." 

In his report, page 691 SoutJiern Magazine for June, 1873, Ewell 
says : 

" Early in the morning, I received a communication from the 
General commanding, the tenor of which was that he intended 
the main attack to be made by the First corps, on our right, and 
wished me, a? soon as their guns opened, to make a diversion in 
their favor, to be converted into a real attack if opportunity 

This is precisely in accord with the statement of General Lee, 
and I submit whether there is anything in either statement that 
conflicts with mine. Johnson's division, facing Gulp's Hill, where 
Slocum was, being in close proximity to the enemy, had more or 
less nVhting or skirmishing with the enemy all the morning, and 
in fact all day. Hancock, in his testimony before the committee 
on the conduct of the war, page 406, vol. I, second series of the 
reports of the committee, says: " Everything remained com para- 

#04 Southern Historical Monthly. 

tivelj" quiet during that morning, except that the enemy at- 
tacked General Slocum ; but that was on th% other part of the 
line, the extreme right, directly behind the position I have just 
referred to. There was fighting going on there all the morning 
(of the 2nd) with portions of Ewell's corps, hut we did not know 
at that time whether that was going to be the main attack or not." 
When Longstreet's guns opened in the afternoon, Ewell's also 
opened and continued to fire for some time, and his divisions 
were held in readiness to assault. But a demonstration is not an 
attack, and therefore when we did make the attack, it was in con- 
sequence of new orders, and I understood at the time that those 
orders emanated from General Lee. It can be easily understood 
that in giving a general sketch of the military career of a com- 
mander who had conducted so many brilliant campaigns as Gen. 
Lee had conducted, it was impossible for me to embody in one 
address a detailed account of every battle, and the most I could 
do was to give a general outline of each. It was to be taken for 
granted that my audience, which was an exceedingly intelligent 
one, would understand that I did not mean that Longstreet's di- 
visions were to fight the whole battle, and that the rest of the 
army were to remain indifferent spectators to the close. Previous 
to making the re "narks General Longstreet quotes, I had stated 
that General Lee had asked Ewell, Rodes, and myself the evening 
of the first, whether we could attack the enemy from our position 
at daylight next morning, and that we had informed him of the 
difficulties of the ground and suggested the probability of the 
enemy's concentrating and fortifying against us during the night 
and then I say • " He determined to make the attack from our 
right on the enemy's left, and left us for the purpose of ordering 
up Longstreet's corps in time to begin the attack at dawn next 
morning. Does this imply that Longstreet's corps was to do all 
the fighting? The first attack is not the whole of a battle, nor is 
the principal attack the whole of it. I have shown by General 
Lee's own statement that his orders were for Longstreet to make 
the principal attack, while the other troops were to make demon- 
strations to be converted into real attacks when occasion offered, 
which occasion would certainly have been offered by his success 
in gaining commanding positions on the enemy's left. His at- 
tack certainly failed of the success anticipated from it ; and hence 

Battle of Gettysburg. 20o 

the whole plan of the battle was thwarted. .1 maintain that his 
attack failed because of the delay in making it, and I will con- 
sider directly who was responsible for that delay. If, after the 
failure of that attack, an attempt was made to achieve success by 
an attack from our left, what matters it to General Longstreet 
whether it was made by orders from General Lee, or on Ewell's 
own responsibility ? How, therefore, can he be aggrieved if I was 
mistaken in saying General Lee ordered that attack ? which I by 
no means admit. 

That General Lee was correct in selecting the enemy's left for 
his attack, there can be no question, for that was the weakest and 
most assailable part of the enemy's line. That the possession of 
Round Top by us would have rendered the position at Gettys- 
burg untenable by the enemy, is proved by the testimony of 
Meade himself, contained in the same volume of reports on the 
conduct of the war from which I have already quoted, and to 
which I will refer hereafter by page alone, to prevent unnecessary 
repetition. On page 332, in describing the attack on Sickles, 
Meade says : "At the same time that they threw immense masses 
on Sickles' corps, a heavy column was thrown upon the Round 
Top Mountain, which was the key point of my whole position. 
If they had succeeded in occupying that, it would have prevented 
me from holding any of the ground which I subsequently held 
to the last." That Sickles did not occupy the position assaulted 
by General Longstreet until late in the afternoon, is proved by 
Hancock and others. On page 406, Hancock says : '' Everything 
remained quiet, except artillery firing and engagements with 
pickets on our front, until about 4 o'clock that afternoon, when 
General Sickles moved out to the front." After stating that he 
had made a reconnoisance to ascertain whether an attack could 
be made on our left, Warren, on page 377, says: "Soon after- 
wards I rode out with General Meade to examine the left of our 
line, where General Sickles was. His troops could hardly be said 
to be in position." On page 332, Meade says he arrived on the 
ground where Sickles was, " a few minutes before 4 o'clock in the 
afternoon." That Round Top was unoccupied until after Long- 
street's attack began, is proved J^y the testimony of Warren, who 
says, on page 377 : " I then went, by General Meade's direction, 
to what is called Bald Top, and from that point I could see the 

206 Southern Historical Monthly. 

enemy's lines of battle. I sent word to General Meade that we 
would at once have to occupy that place very strongly. He sent, 
as quickly as possible, a division of General Sykes' corps ; but be. 
fore they arrived the enemy's line of battle — I should think a 
mile and a half long — began to advance, and the battle became 
'very heav} T at once. The troops under General Sykes arrived 
barely in time to save Round Top Hill, and they had a very des- 
perate fight to hold it." During all the forenoon the bulk of 
Meade's troops which had arrived were massed on the right (ene- 
my's) as Meade contemplated an attack from that flank — Han- 
cock's corps connected with Howard's, and Sickles' was on the left 
of Hancock, but he did not go into position until the afternoon. 
On page 405, Hancock says: 

" I was placed on the line connecting Cemetery Hill with Lit- 
tle Round Top Mountain, my line, however, not extending to 
Round Top — probably only about half way. General Sickles 
was directed to connect with my left and the Round Top Moun- 
tain, thus forming a continuous line from Cemetery Hill (which 
was held by General Howard) to Round Top Mountain." 

These arrangements were not made until the morning was 
considerably advanced. 

On page 331, Meade, after stating his purpose to make an at- 
tack from his right, says : 

" Major General Slocum, however, reported that the character 
of the ground in front was unfavorable to making an attack ; and 
the 6th corps having so long a distance to march, and leaving at 
9 o'clock at night, did not reach the scene until about 2 o'clock 
in the afternoon. Under these circumstances I abandoned my 
intention to make an attack from my right, and as soon as the 
6th corps arrived, I directed the 5th corps, then in reserve on the 
right, to move over and be in reserve on the left." 

It was a division of the 5th corps (General Sykes') that rescued 
the Round Top from the grasp of our assaulting column. Does 
not this show how weak the left was in the morning, and how 
easy it would have then been for our troops on the right to have 
gotten posseesion of the key to the position ? That General Lee's 
plans were thwarted by the delay on the right, can any man 
doubt? On the occasion of the dedication of the cemetery for the 
Federal soldiers killed at Gettysburg, Edward Everett, in the 

Battle of Gettysburg. 207 

presence of President Lincoln, some of his cabinet, many mem- 
bers of Congress and officers of the arm v. and an immense con- 
course of citizens, delivered an address, in which he thus graphi- 
cally describes the effect of the delay that took place: 

"And here I cannot but remark on the Providential inaction 
of the rebel army. Had the conflict been renewed by it at day- 
light on the 2nd of . July, with the First and Eleventh corps ex- 
hausted by battle, the Third and Twelfth, wearv from their forced 
march, and the Second, Fifth and Sixth not yet arrived, nothing 
but a miracle could have saved the army from a great disaster. 
Instead of this the day dawned, the sun rose, the cool hours of 
the morning passed, and a considerable part of the afternoon wore 
away without the slightest aggressive movement on the part of 
the enemy. Thus time was given for half of our forces to arrive 
and take their places in the lines, while the rest of the army en- 
joyed a much needed half day's repose." 

It is to be presumed that before preparing an address that was 
to assume a historical character, Mj. Everett had obtained accu- 
rate knowledge of all that transpired within the Federal lines 
from the most authentic sources, and doubtless he presents a true 
picture of the actual condition of things. 

Having shown that the battle of Gettysburg was lost by the 
delay that occurred on our right on the 2nd, the question arises, 
who was responsible for that delay ? Does any one believe that 
it was General Lee ? If he was the responsible party, then his 
conduct on that occasion was at war with his whole history. He 
had determined to make the principal attack from our right, and 
he had selected Longstreet's two divisions to make that attack, 
supported by one of Hill's divisions ; and he had sent directions 
to the troops not up on the evening of the 1st to hasten their 
march. Longstreet camped four miles in the rear on the night 
of the 1st. In his report, General Longstreet, immediately after 
the passage before quoted, says : 

" Law's brigade was ordered forward to his division during the 
day, and joined about noon on the 2nd. Previous to his joining, I 
received instructions from the Commanding General to move, 
with the portion of my command that was up, around to gain the 
Emmettsburg road on the enemy's left. The enemy having been 
driven back by the corps of Lieutenant-Generals Ewell and A. P. 

203 Southern Historical Monthly. 

Hill the day previous, had taken a strong position extending 
from the hill at the cemetery along the Emmet'tsburg road. Fear- 
ing that my force was too weak to venture to make an attack, I 
delayed until General Law's brigade joined its division. As soon 
after his arrival as we could make our preparations, the move- 
ment was begun. Engineers, sent out by the Commanding Gen- 
eral and myself, guided us by a road which would have com- 
pletely disclosed the move. Some delay ensued in seeking a more 
concealed route. Major Law's division got into position about 4 
o'clock P. M. Hood's division was moved further to our right. 
and got into position, partially enveloping the enemy's left." 

He does not say when he got up, nor at what time he received 
the order, but he did receive it before the arrival of Law ; and as 
General Lee had determined that he should make the attack, and 
as he knew the vital importance of time, it is to be presumed that 
he sent the order at the earliest moment practicable. He had 
sent to Ewell his instructions "early in the morning," informing 
him that Longstreet would n*ake the attack from the right, and 
ordering him to make a demonstration at the same time. Is it 
not fair to presume that the order reached General Longstreet 
quite as soon as it did Ewell ? Though ordered to make the 
movement with the troops that were up, he determined to wait 
until Law got up. Here is one delay acknowledged. It took 
him four hours after Law got up to get into position. The day 
before, Rodes had marched twelve miles and engaged the enemy 
by 2 P. M., and my division had marched fourteen miles and en- 
gaged the enemy before 3 P. M. How is it that Longstreet took 
so much time to get ready ? 

There are some data from which we can form an opinion as to 
who was responsible for the delay. General Ewell says in his 
report : 

"I was ordered to renew my attack at daylight Friday morn- 
ing, and as Johnson's position was the only one affording hopes 
of doing this to advantage, he was reinforced by Smith's brigade, 
of Early's division, and .Daniel's and Rodes' (old) brigades of 
Rodes' division. 

" Half an hour after Johnson attacked (on Friday morning\ 
and when too late to recall him, I received notice that General 

Battle of Gettysburg. 209 

Longstreet would not attack until ten o'clock ; but as it turned 
out his attack was delayed till after two o'clock." 

•otill delaying unaccountably on the 3rd. Whose fault was it 
then ? 

.Svvinton, in his "Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac/' 
makes the following remarkable statements : 

On page 340 he says : " Indeed, in entering on the campaign, 
General Lee expressly promised his corps commanders that he 
would not assume a tactical offensive, but force his antagonist to 
attack him. Having, however, gotten a taste of blood in the con- 
siderable success of the first day, the Confederate commander 
seemed to have lost that equipoise in which his faculties com- 
monly moved, and he determined to give battle." 

There is a foot note to this statement as follows : 

"This and subsequent revelations of the purposes and senti- 
ments of Lee, I derive from General Longstreet who, in a full and 
free conversation with the writer, after the close of the war, threw 
much lis;ht on the motives and conduct of Lee during this cam - 

On pages 340-1, he says : " Longstreet, holding the right of the 
Confederate line, had one flank securely posted on the Emmetts- 
burg road, so that he was really between the army of the Potomac 
and Washington, and by marching towards Frederick could un- 
doubtedly have manceuvered Meade out of the Gettysburg posi- 
tion. This operation General Longstreet, who foreboded the 
worst from an attack on the army in position, and was anxious 
to hold General Lee to his promise, begged in vain to be allowed 
to execute." 

To this there is a foot note as follows : 

" The officer named is my authority for this statement." 

On page 358 there is this foot note: 

"The absence of Pickett's division on the day before made 
General Longstreet very loth to make the attack : but Lee, think- 
ing the. Union force was not all up, would not wait. Longstreet 
urged in reply that this advantage (or supposed advantage, for the 
Union force was all up,) was countervailed by the fact that fowas 
not all up either, but the Confederate commander was not minded 
to delay. My authority is again General Longstreet." 

That Swinton is mistaken in saying the Union force was all up 


210 Southern Historical Monthly. 

is shown by the testimony I have already quoted.- Swinton's book 
was published ten years ago, and General Longstreet has never 
disavowed the foregoing statements, that I am aware of. They 
are therefore presumed to be true, and if so, they throw a flood of 
light on the question as to who was responsible for the delay 
which took place in the attack. General Lee was urging the at- 
tack, and Longstreet was holding back all the time. This -fact 
taken in connection with the acknowledged delay on the 2nd, 
Ewell's statements as to both days, and General Lee's known dis- 
position to attack always when occasion offered, and in the 
promptest manner, demonstrate that General Longstreet is the 
responsible man. 

Now r , I have never thought, and do not now wish to be under- 
stood as intimating that General Longstreet's course at that time 
was prompted by disloyalty to our cause. The delay resulted 
from his reluctance to make the attack, his apprehension of the 
worst consequences, and his constitutional slowness in moving 
and acting. These, in my estimation, lost us the battle of Get- 
tysburg. A subordinate who goes into action with hesitation, 
foreboding the worst, is not likely to contribute anything to suc- 
cess. A commander of the First Corps at Gettysburg, as prompt 
to act and as unquestioning as to the wisdom of the Command- 
ing General's plans as Jackson was, could not have failed to have 
ensured us the victory. I will observe here that neither Ewel 1 
nor Hill claimed the benefit of any such promise as that alleged 
by Longstreet. 

It may be asked if Longstreet was losing the opportunity by 
his delay, why did not General Lee remove him and put another 
in his place ? The answer to that inquiry is very easy, and is to 
be found in another question — where would that other have come 
from ? Moreover, a change of commanders under such circum- 
stances could not have hastened matters, but might have still 
farther retarded them. But it may be asked, why did he not re- 
move him afterwards? If General Lee had any fault as a com- 
mander, it was the extreme kindness of his nature, and his gener- 
ous magnanimity. Having failed in this campaign to accomplish 
all he desired, it was Uot in his nature to make a scape-goat o 
another, but he chose rather to assume the whole responsibility 
and offer himself up as a sacrifice, as he did in his lately pub- 

Battle of Gettysburg. 211 

lished letter to Mr. Davis ; the publication of which letter is made 
'the occasion, by General Longstreet, of publishing his letter to 
his uncle, with* the accompanying statements, to show that if his 
advice had prevailed, we would have achieved victory. 

I said that I would show that General Longstreet had furnish- 
ed the materials for the severest criticisms that have been made 
on General Lee's management at the battie of Gettysburg. The 
extracts given from ^winton's book show the material furnished 
by General Longstreet to him, and on that he based his criti- 
cisms. Other writers who have criticized that battle have follow- 
ed in Swinton's wake and adopted his views, as for instance, Pro- 
fessor Bates ; — and now General Longstreet produces his letter to- 
his uncle — that is in itself a criticism, and furnishes material for 
criticism by others. That letter was written immediately after 
his return from Gettysburg, and in it General Longstreet under- 
takes to show to his uncle how greatly General Lee blundered,. 
and what wonderful results would have followed the adoption of. 
his own plans. Listen at him : 

"So far as it is given to man the ability to judge, we may say 
with confidence that we should have destroyed the Federal army,, 
marched into Washington, and dictated our terms, or at least 
held Washington and marched over as much of Pennsylvania as 
we cared to, had we drawn the enemy into attack upon our care- 
fully chosen position in his rear. General Lee chose the plans 
adopted, and he is the person appointed to choose and to order.'/ 

As much as to say : " General Lee is unfit for the position he 
holds — he blundered terribly at Gettysburg in not adopting my 
plans, and thus lost us the battle and with it our independence. 
I am the man who ought to have been in command of that army 
at Gettysburg, and then we would have proved victorious, march- 
ed to Washington, and dictated peace.'' 

And yet he aftewards says : " As we failed of success I must 
take my part of the responsibility. In fact I would prefer that 
all the blame should rest on me/' How very generous, how self- 
sacrificing he is! And yet he flies into a rage when it is sug- 
gested that his tardiness lost us the battle of Gettysburg. When 
was it that he assumed any part of the blame, publicly or pri- 
vately ? The first the public has ever heard of his willingness 
to do so, is from the recent publication of hi3 letter; but along 

212 Southern Historical Monthly. 

with his magnanimous ofrer to assume his part — nay, the whole 
of the blame, is the antidote in his assumption of superior sagac- 
ity, and the intimation that the whole blame should rest on Gen- 
eral Lee, because he committed a great error in not adopting his 
plans. He winds up the letter, or at least the extract given, with 
this assertion : " The truth will be known in time, and I leave 
that to show how much of the responsibility of the attack at 
Gettysburg rests upon myself." 

He is then laying the train for exploding a mine in the future, 
that would destroy General Lee's reputation as a commander, 
and show how incompetent he was, and how immeasurably his 
.superior Longstreet was. 

Shade of the immortal Jackson! How thankful we are and 
•should be, that no such document, public or private, and no oral 
declaration of similar import can be produced against you from 
any source ! 

Have I not made good my proposition that I would show that 
immediately after the battle of Gettysburg, General Longstreet 
laid the foundation for attacking General Lee's reputation as a 
commander. That he has pursued his design since the close of 
the war, is proved by the fact that he instilled his own views in- 
to Mr. Swinton's mind and furnished him with the data for their 
promulgation ; and the recent publication of his letter to his 
uncle is but a continuation of the original design. And to 
what does it all tend but to exalt General Longstreet at the ex- 
pense of General Lee. 

It is exceedingly unpleasant for me to have a controversy with 
any Confederate in regard to the events of our late war, and es- 
pecially in regard to the relative merit of our officers. I have 
not endeavored to claim credit for myself at the expense of any 
one, and in all that I have published, I have avoided as far as 
possible saying anything to the disparagement of any of my 
comrades. If 'there is anything in my address at Lexington that 
bears the semblance of a disparagement of General Longstreet 
as a soldier, it was called out in vindication of General Lee 
against what I regarded as the assault of General Longstreet on 
him through the pages of Mr. Swinton's book ; and I went no 
further than to repel the assault, and place the^esponsibility for 
•our failure at Gettysburg where it should rest. 

Battle of Gettysburg. 213 

In the communication to the Republican, General Longstreet 
says: "If General Fitz Hugh Lee had read the letter, the gen- 
uineness of which he questions, he would have learned that Gen- 
eral Longstreet was not only willing hut preferred to abide his 
time till the omnipotence of truth should speak to his record. 
His letter was published owing to its corroborative and sympa- 
thetic relations to one of General R. E. Lee's written two weeks 
later. The publication was made following the publication of 
Gen. R. E. Lee's, so that the facts might be known and noted in 
their proper connection, not in attack or defense of any one-" 

Is not this a stab at the reputation of General Lee as a com- 
mander? If General Longstreet was willing to bide his time, 
why then was he in such a hurry, after the war, to have that 
"lull and free conversation" with Mr. Swinton, in which he 
" threw much light on the motives and conduct of Lee during 
this campaign," (Gettysburg) — all of the information given be- 
ing to the disparagement of General Lee, and the exaltation of 
General Longstreet ? And why did he publish his letter at all ? 
Is it not a bold assumption of superior sagacity on his .part, and 
the assertion of a want of judgment on General Lee's ? Is that 
abiding the development of truth ? 

I will here say that I never had any doubt of the genuineness 
of the letter to his uncle, nor about the purpose for which it was 
written or published either ; and I am not one of those who 
wanted an} r further information from that source. I was satisfied 
from the first as to the letter of General Lee, from which the ex- 
tract was given as follows : 

" Had I taken your advice at Gettysburg instead of pursuing 
the course I did, how different all things might have been." 

I take it for granted that was the strongest expression in the 
letter ; and writing in the spirit of his letter to Mr. Davis, Gene- 
ral Lee may have used the expression. ; but there is another con- 
nection in which he may have used it without meaning anything 
special, as those of us who knew him can well understand. Many 
a young officer has gone to General Lee to give information and 
suggest ideas, and left profoundly impressed with the belief that 
he had made most valuable suggestions to the Commander-in- 
Chief. I think it very probable that things would have assumed 
a very different phase if General Lee had taken General Long- 

014 Southern Historical Monthly. 

street's suggestions to move off by the right flank, for in moving 
that way, with all our trains, in the face of the enemy, we would 
have exposed ourselves to almost certain destruction. Meade was 
then trying to find a way to attack our left, and if Ewell had let 
go and attempted to get off he would have been upon us like an 

Three days afterwards we were enabled to move off by the 
right flank, because Ewell's corps had been moved around to 
Seminary Ridge during the night of the 3rd, and the enemy had 
been r*> badly crippled that he was afraid to move out against us. 
Moreover, by moving out on the Emmettsburg road towards 
Frederick we would not have been between Meade and Washing- 
ton. That route is west of the Monocacy, whereas the routes to 
"Washington are east of that stream, one bv Middleburor and 
another, more circuitous, by Westminister, and we would have 
had to cover both roads to cut Meade off from Washington. To 
do which we would have had to make a wide circuit, while 
Meade had the inner and shorter line. 

But to return to General Longstreet's letter: How is it that 
that letter is corroborative of or in sympathy with that of Gene- 
ral Lee to Mr. Davis, for that is the one he has reference to ? In 
that noble letter, lately given to the world by Colonel Chas. C. 
Jones, in which our great Commander shows such sublime self- 
abnegation, he says : 

"Everything therefore points to the advantages to be derived 
from a new Commander, and I the mere anxiously urge the mat- 
ter upon you Excellency, from my belief that a younger and 
abler man than myself can readily be obtained. I know that he 
will have as gallant and brave an army as ever existed to second 
his efforts, and it would be the happiest day of my life to see at 
its head a worthy leader ; one that would accomplish more than 
I could perform, and all that I have wished." 

It is to be presumed that this is the part of the letter to which 
General Longstreet thinks his bears i; corroborative and sympa- 
thetic relations ' — corroborative because it shows that a younger 
and abler man could have been obtained, and sympathetic be- 
cause it indicated the same desire to have that abler and younger 
man assigned to the command — and in fact pointed to him, and 
as much as said : Ecce homo ! General James Longstreet. 

Battle of. Gettysburg. 215 

If that is not what he means, then I cannot conceive what is 
his meaning—- Bat the fact is that while all of us know that a 
younger man might have been easily obtained, none of us be- 
lieve a word of General Lee's self-depreciation, however sincere 
we ma} r think he was, nor do we believe that an abler or more 
worthy leader could have been found in all this wide world ; and 
so thought President Davis. 

Longstreet's letter in sympathy with General Lee's. Gredat 
Judacus Apella ! 

No true Confederate soldier can read General Lee's letter with- 
out feeling his heart glow with increased love and admiration 
for our grand old Chieftain. Listen at him : 

" I hope your Excellency will attribute my request to the true 
reason, the desire to serve my country, and do all in my power 
to insure the success of her righteous cause." 

Who can read General Longstreet's letter to his uncle without 
a smile at its extreme egotism and folly, and the conviction that 
the only palliation for its publication is the -excessive stupidity 
of the act ? 

The defence of the First Corps by him against an imaginary 
attack is ridiculous. Who has ever thought of assailing its rep- 
utation ? Its superb figh f ing qualities, and its many gallant 
achievements are readily acknowledged by all. Its reputation is 
not bound up in that of its Commander, though it did a vast 
deal to give him the reputation he gained. Why then lug its 
reputation into this quarrel that he has undertaken with Gene- 
ral Fitz Lee, .General Pendleton, Mr. Jones and myself? Is it 
because he feels thai his cause has need of its support? 

As to his petty flings at me, personally, they are too contempt- 
ible to require further notice than the remark that, when he 
coihes to that part of his work, his big guns degenei ate into 
mere pop- crackers. 

He has given a long extract from General Meade's report, and 
in a foot note to his communication he says : 

" I hope that General Meade's allusion to General Early's bat- 
tle on his (General Meade's) right may be duly noted." 

It is very evident that he is under a misapprehension as to 
which part of Meade's report refers to my attack on his line, and 
out of regard for the portion of my old command engaged in 

216 Southern Historical Monthly. 

that attack, and from no consideration for myself, it gives me 
pleasure to duly note Meade's " allusion " to the attack made by 
Hays' and Hoke's brigades — he says : 

" An assault was, however, made about 8 P. M., on the Eleventh 
Corps from the left of the town, which was repelled by the as- 
sistance of troops from the 2nd and 1st Corps." 

This is all that Meade says in regard to that assault, and it 
appears that it required, in addition to the Eleventh Corps, 
troops from two other corps, to repel my brigades. Others have 
spoken more definitely about that attack, and among them Gen- 
eral Gibbon, who in his testimony, page 440-1, says : 

" After we had repulsed one attack there was heavy firing over 
on the right of Cemetery Hill. I received a message from Gen- 
eral Howard, commanding the 11th corps, asking for reinforce- 
ments. Just about the same time General Hancock became 
alarmed at the continued firing, and desired me to send a brig- 
ade, designating Colonel Carroll's, and afterwards three other 
regiments from my division, to the assistance of our right centre. 
Colonel Carroll moved off promptly, and as reported tc me, ar- 
rived on the right of Cemetery Hill, to find the enemy actually 
in our batteries and fighting with the connoniers for their pos- 
session. He gallantly moved forward with his command, drove 
the enemy back, retook the position, and held it till the next 

So that, according to him, my two brigades had whipped the 
whole Eleventh Corps, and it required a fresh brigade and three 
regiments to recover the position, to say nothing of the troops 
from the First Corps that Meade mentions. 

Here is what Ewell says in his report : 

"The want of co-operation on the right made it more difficult 
for Rodes' division to attack, though had it been otherwise, I 
have every reason to believe from the eminent success attending 
the assault of Hays and Avery that the enemy's lines would 
have been carried." 

Avery commanded Hoke's brigade, and, though compelled to 
retire before fresh troops, Hays' brigade brought off four captur- 
ed battle flags and oue hundred prisoners. 

These brigades accomplished a more difficult feat than even 
Pickett's division, with all its conspicuous gallantry, accomplish- 

Battle of Gettysburg. 217 

ed next day, and were the first of our troops to enter the enemy's 
lines, and that right at the Cemetery, where they were strongest. 
Had they been supported on the right with the same vigor, they 
would undoubtedly have taken and held Cemetery Hill. As 
General Longstreet has spoken of the attaek by my two brigades 
as " ids (my) emergence from the walls of Gettysburg, for a pa- 
rade that might hide his failure to meet the mandates of his 
Chief,'' I must say that he is exceedingly happy in his use of 
the word " parade " as applicable to that attack, and I think he 
must be again quoting from Professor Bates. I beg him to note 
the following " allusion " by the Professor, who is the State His- 
torian of Pennsylvania, to the same affair. On pages 137-S, he 
says : 

" Colonel Von Gilsa, whose brigade was posted at the foot of 
Cemetery Hill, detached a regiment, and sent it forward to ob- 
serve the movement of this force (a small force that moved out 
of the town towards our left), and what was passing further to 
tjie right beyond his view. This regiment had not proceeded 
far, before there suddenly emerged from behind a hill to the east 
of town, long lines of infantry formed for an assault which mov- 
ed onward in magnificent array. This isolated regiment could 
do nothing but hasten back to its position ; but this grand col- 
umn reaching from near the town to Rock Creek, moved w T ith 
the steadiness and precision of parade. They were the brigades 
of Hays and Hoke, led by the famous Louisiana Tigers. The 
instant they emerged to view, Stevens to the right opened with 
all his guns, and Weiderick and Rickets joined in the chorus. 
The slaughter was terrible. Ricketts charged his guns with can- 
nister and with four shots per minute, was at every discharge 
hurling death upon their ranks. Stevens' fire was even more 
effective, as it enfiladed the enemy. 

" As the rebels came within musket range Howard's infantry, 
who had been completely protected by the stone wall, poured in 
volley after volley, sweeping down the charging host. But that 
resolute body of men believed themselves invincible, and, now, 
with the eyes of both armies upon them, (this attack began a 
little after sunset,) they would not break so long as any were left 
to go forward. The stone walls were passed at a bound, and 
when once among the Union men Stevens was obliged to cease 

218 Southern Historical Monthly. 

firing for fear of killing friend and foe alike, and Weiderick wa.« 
unable to stand the shock, his supports and his own men being 
swept back with a whirlwind's force. But Ricketts quailed not 
upon whom the force of the blow now fell." 

He then proceeds to give, from a history of Ricketts' Battery, 
a long account of the desperate fighting for its guns — too long to 
be here inserted — which closes thus : 

" But still they clung to their guns, and with handspikes, 
rammers and stones, defended them with desperate valor ; cheer- 
ing each other on, and shouting, ' Death on our State soil, rather 
thon give the enemy our guns.' At this critical moment Car- 
roll's brigade came gallantly to the rescue, and the enemy re- 
treated in confusion. The men again flew to their guns, and 
with loud cheers give him some parting salutes in the form of 
double shotted cannister. Thus ended this grand charge of 
Early's division, headed by the famous Louisiana Tsgers, who 
boasted that they had never before been repulsed in a charge." 

Those men had followed Stonewall Jackson and they .were ac- 
customed to such " parades." 

The Louisiana men of Hays' brigade always fought with such 
tenacity that the enemy regarded them all as " Tigers," but the 
Tigers proper had been disbanded a year before. This narrative 
goes on to say that they numbered 1,700 on this occasion, and 
only GOO of them got off, but the fact is that Hays' brigade num- 
bered only 1,400 officers and men in all for duty the day we 
crossed the Potomac, and its total loss in this affair was 2M, 
killed, wounded and missing, as shown by the original returns 
now in my possession. It had sustained some loss the day before. 
Hays' *and Hoke's brigades combined did not then exceed 2,500 
men. My two other brigades were off in rear of our extreme 
left, on the York road, along which the enemy's cavalry was re- 
ported to be threatening our rear, though Gordon had been sent 
for and arrived just as Hays' and Hoke's brigades were moving 
off. * 

General Longtreet says : 

" It is said that the readiest way to find a weak point in an 
enemy's line of battle is by the prompt and nervous fire from his 
batteries and his unusal display of force at that point." 

By this rule General Fitz Lee approached his weak point very 

Running the Blockade. 219 

closely, when he asked for the whole of the letter, of which only 
as much as makes three lines of a newspaper column had been 
given ; for no sooner was the request made known to him, than 
he opened a most nervous, nay wild fire in every direction, 
doubtless with a view of shifting the issue, and precluding any 
further demand for the letter. Perhaps it would be more accu- 
rate to say that like the cuttle-fish which, when pressed closely, 
throws out a black fluid which enables it to conceal itself from 
its pursuer, he has raised all this clamor against General Fitz 
Lee, General Pendleton, Mr. Jones and myself, in order to con- 
ceal the real point of enquiry of the former, and evade a re- 
sponse to it. 

I am done with General Longstreet, and leave him to "abide 
his time until the omnipotence of truth shall speak to his 

J. A. Early. 



A long, low, black, rakish, barque-rigged propeller, low-lying 
in the water and scarcely eight hundred tons burthen ; pierced 
for six broadside guns, three on a side, and carrying two ponder- 
ous pivot guns — a bow and stern chaser. The smokestacks, two 
in number, stand one abaft the other, and rake like the masts. 
The guns are there and in position— all heavy metal and super 
rior Blake', y rifled pattern. When the bay was smooth and glassy 
she looked like a bird, quietly floating, but when a breeze rippled 
the waters, and she trembled just a little, you would be reminded 
of a tiger preparing to spring. Anon, when the wind swept 
down the bay with greater force, she tugged impatiently at the 
anchor chain as though longing for that wider freedom she was 
destined to enjoy — tugged and chafed like a blooded racer, champ- 
ing fretfully and awaiting the drum tap to be off. Neat, trim 
and tidy as a nobleman's yacht, she was a perfect model of sym- 

220 Southern Historical Monthly. 

nietry and beauty. This the Florida — Confederate sloop of wsli — 
m}* home, the roof that sheltered me for two long years, and I 
learned to love her as a lover loves his mistress. 

Bright and clear dawned the fifteenth day of January, 1863, on 
Mobile biiy. Looking seaward, and to our left, guarding the en- 
trance with a vigilance that knew no rest, you could see Fort 
Morgan. Away over to the right loomed up Fort Gaines, and 
outside, just beyond the bar. rode sullenly at anchor the bio* le- 
ading fleet, the barrier between the rlorida and freedom. For 
several days we had been making reeonnoisanees, ascertaining 
the exact number and position of the enemy's vessels, and it was 
well known we were to make the hazardous venture 'at the first 
favorable opportunity. 

Let us look for a moment at the Florida. One hundred and 
sixteen men, not including commissioned officers — veterans every 
one, and as true as the steel of the cutlasses they wore. The or- 
dinary routine of ship duty has been completed, and thoy are 
lounging here and thereon the forecastle, sailor iashion, spinning 
yarns, or speculating on the chances of getting out safely. Here 
and there may be seen the captain of a gun, burnishing to an 
almost painful brightness the brass-work oi his favorite piece, and 
a few men may be seen writing their last adieus to loved ones— 
indeed the last lines they will have a chance to write for many a 
weary day — the last that some will ever pen. Everything looks 
snug; the yards are squared to a nicety, the sails neatly furled, 
and the noble little vessel seems impatient for the start. On the 
quarter-deck, our Captain — John Newland Mamtt, a son of the 
great divine — his hands clasped behind him, walks back and 
forth with a little nervous impatience. A small, but compactly 
built, practical looking man — every inch a sailor and one of the 
mo>t fearless men that ever trod a vessel's deck. Xow and then 
he raises his eyes, hurriedly scans the horizon, and then resumes 
his monotonous walk. Taciturn at times, brimming with geni- 
ality at others, and always brave, there was about him a subtle 
indefinable magnetism, that made him the idol of the crew, not 
one of whom but would have stood between him and death at any 
moment. At two o'clock, Captain Haywood, the veteran pilot of 
the bay, came down from the city, and a consultation took place 
between him and Captain Maffitt. The engineer, Mr. Spidelh wai 

Running the Blockade. 221 

sent for, and the trio had a long and earnest talk in the cabin. 
They came on deck at last ; the engineer went forward to his duty : 
Captain Haywood sauntered carelessly around the vessel, and 
Captain Maffitt again took up his beat on the quarter-deck. The 
wind had been gradually freshening since noon, and by 5 o'clock 
we had a pretty stiff offshore breeze. Word was passed to make 
the guns doubly secure — to lash all the spare booms, etc., firmly 
in their places, and to see to it well that nothing was left lying 
around loose. Then came the o^der to secure the hammock net- 
tings, and we knew what that meant. No piping down ham- 
mocks to-night ! The Florida is to make a dash for liberty ! At 
dark everything was safely housed, the barometer falling rapidly, 
and the wind swept down the bay with increasing force. Every- 
thing betokened an off-shore gale— dense clouds shut out the 
sky, and by midnight it was pitch dark. The wind swept sea- 
ward with steady and increasing violence. We talked in whis- 
pers—waiting for the word. At four bells — two o'clock precisely — 
the order to weigh anchor was given. Merrily revolved the cap- 
stan in the thick darkness, and briefly the work was done. Then 
the Florida swung slowly around in the gloom and headed sea- 
ward. A revolution or two of the screw and we are off — off for a 
twoyears' voyage — off for a journey of over one hundred thousand 
miles. The darkness was impenetrable, and this was in our 
favor ; the gale was off-shore, and this too was to our advantage. 
Every light was extinguished, save the dim and hooded light in 
the binnacle, that shed its feeble ray over the compass. No talk- 
ing now, as we steamed slowly down the bay. You might have 
thought it a phantom ship, manned by spectres. Orders were 
given in whispers. The pilot stood forward on the forecastle, and 
a line of men conveyed his orders to the quartermasters at the 
wheel in whispers. Aloft, the yards were all manned and the 
seamen held the sails with a firm grasp, ready and waiting for 
the order to let fall. On we go, slowly still, for the time for speed 
has not yet come. On past the frowning guns of Fort Morgan, 
and we are pitching a little widely as we cross the bar. Just be- 
yond, and anchored across our pathway ,lies the blockading fleet — 
fourteen vessels, all told. We cannot see them as yet, and forge 
ahead, it seems, at random. We are burning coke, and no tell- 
tale smoke issues from the chimneys. Suddenly I look over the 

222 Southern Historical Monthly. 

rail, and there, looming up like monsters in the intense blackness, 
are two vessels. We must go between them. So close are they 
to us, as we wedge in, that you could shy a biscuit to the deck of 
either. Almost with the force of a hurricane the wind shrieked 
through the cordage and rigging, effectually drowning the noise 
of the rapidly revolving screw. Just between the two vessels, and 
while every man was holding his breath, the coke gave out! 
Several shovelsful of coal were thrown in — a thick volume of 
smoke and sparks rolled from the smokestack, and we are dis- 
covered ! In less than a second of time, it seemed, we could hear 
above the roar of the storm, hoarse words of command from either 
vessel, the hurrying on deck of the startled crews, and then a 
rocket shot high up in the gloom, a signal to the rest of the fleet.' 
Quick as a flash, from the deck of the Florida, came the long- 
expected order to the brave men aloft, 

"let fall! sheet home." 

Down rattled the canvass— sheeted home in a trice by the sea- 
men on deck — and the sails, bellying out to their utmost tension 
as they caught the wind, we seemed to fairly jump through the 
water. And now, little Florida, do your best ! Fourteen blood- 
hounds are unleashed and in chase of a hare — but a hare, though 
fleeing for her life, not the least bit timid. And nobly did the 
little vessel respond. Riding the crest of one billow, bounding 
like a dolphin to the next, and plunging squarely through the 
next, shipping immense seas at times, and every one drenched 
with unending clouds of spray, the Florida, throughout the terri- 
ble commotion, answered to every motion of the helm as though 
instinct with life. Every pound of steam that was possible was 
given her; every stitch of canvass that it was possible to carry 
in such a gale was spread ; we were going at the rate of fourteen 
knots, and knew there was not a vessel in the service could catch 

We looked astern at the fleet we had so successfully and peril- 
ously circumvented. We could see the flashing lights of the 
various vessels as they steamed here and there in the darkness, 
now and then sending up signal rockets, and then flashing drum- 
mond lights lighting up the angry sea, but it was very evident 
that the majority were off the trail. And away beyond them we 

Running the Blockade. 223 

see a flash, and hear the boom of one of the great guns from our 
comrades at Fort Morgan, bidding us God-speed. But gradually 
even the lights and rockets of the perplexed blockaders faded 
from view, as we crowded on with the still favoring gale at our 
heels. How eagerly we watched for the coming dawn! It had 
been a night of peril, and excitement the most intense, and we 
looked to the east for the first gray streaks with a feverish impa- 
tience. As soon as the vision was able to pierce the gloom, we 
looked astern. But one vessel had hit the trail, and was crowd- 
ing in pursuit. This was the R. R Cuyler, the fastest vessel in 
the squadron ; about two miles behind us, and doing her level 
best. Then we looked ahead, and there, crossing our bows, and 
scarcely a mile distant, was a large man-of-war — the Brooklyn, I 
believe — evidently coming around from Pensacola. The First 
Lieutenant came aft and addressed Captain Maffitt — 

" Shall we let her off a point or two, Captain, and run for it?" 
" By no means," was the curt answer ; and then speaking to the 
men at the wheel, he added, in a low tone — " Hold her up a 
little." . 9 

" This, of course, would take us still nearer to the man-of-war — 
so close, indeed, that had she suspected us, she could have blown 
us out of water with ease. In a very few minutes we were pass- 
ing her. We simply showed a merchantman's light in the gang- 
way, and shot by. The Cuyler, coming up directly, signalled our 
true character to our larger companion, and she wore round in 
the chase. Pshaw ! it was the tortoise after the hare. 

At sunrise the Ctiyler was apparently about the same distance 
astern, but we were evidently gaining. At ten o'clock she was 
hull down, and at noon the tops of her smoke-stacks were barely 
visible from the deck of the Florida. At two o'clock the look-out 
at the fore-top-gallant yard announced that even her top-masts 
could no longer be seen. We had run her down — the chase was 
ended. Not a cloud obscured the heavens — not a speck was visi- 
ble on the waste of waters, far or near. The friendly gale that 
helped us from the quiet bay to the :cean, had gone down, the 
waves were subsiding, the sails were idly flapping the masts. 
And then, sharp, clear and ringing, came the cheerful pipe of the 

224- Southern Historical Monthly. 


Drenched and shivering, but elate with joy, we gather at the 
main-mast— every one. Fill up ! Fill to the brim ! Lift high ! 
and now, three times three, such as sailors can give! Hurrah ! 
The Florida is free! 

[For the People's Tribune.] 


At 2 o'clock on the morning of the 16th of January, 1863, the 
Florida weighed anchor in Mobile bay and headed seaward. At 
2 o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, the little vessel was 
more than one hundred and fifty miles from her point of depart- 
ure, free as the winds to go whithersoever inclination pointed, 
♦having successful escaped from a port that the Federal com- 
mander had exultingly announced to be • hermetically sealed, 
through a net work of blockaders after the most perilous and ex- 
citing run of the war. There is a strange fascination in adven- 
ture and danger, and as we bounded along over the glad waters 
of the dark blue sea that memorable day. there was not one of 
the crew but was glad that we had not escaped tamely and un- 
discovered. We well knew that the enemy's cruisers would be 
swarming arouud us before many days ; that all the spare ves- 
sels from Mobile, Pensacola, Galveston, Key West and other ports 
would be sent after us — indeed numbers were even then scouring 
the Gulf in search of the Alabama, Semmes having sunk the 
Hatteras off Galveston scarcely a fortnight before. The daring 
cruiser had steamed up in full view of the blackading squadron, 
decoyed out the Hatteras, and sent her to the bottom by a few 
well directed broadsides. We were in a perfect hornet's nest, and 
while it was extremely necessary that every move should be 
made with the greatest caution, we had the satisfaction of know- 
ing that we could show a clean pair of heels to any vessel of 
superior metal in the Federal service. We therefore steamed 

Our First Prize, 225 

straight for the centre of the gulf, in order to have ample sea 
room in case of a fight or a chase. 

Not a glimmer of a sail on the*- horizon greeted our eyes the 
day following: and early on the morning of the ISth we doubled 
in our track, bearing away to the northward and eastward. That 
afternoon we spoke and boarded a Spanish barque, examined her 
papers, found them as represented, and allowed her to proceed on 
her course. We were flying the stars and stripes, and explained 
to the Don that we were in search of blockade runners and rebel 
pirates. He wished us success, and to prove his sincerity, pro- 
duced a bottle of choice Malaga, and proposed the health of the 
Union. Drank standing and in silence on our part. 

On the morning of the 19th, we were jogging along under 
reefed topsails before a pretty stiff breeze and according to reck- 
oning were thirty or forty, miles to the south-west of the Tortu- 
gas. By this time we land-lubbers had pretty well gotten over 
our sea-sickiiess ; had quit "wishing we were dead," and were 
beginning to get our sea legs and long for a little excitement. 
About eleven o'clock, the lookout at the fore-top-gallant yard 
brought every body on deck, by the cry that afterwards became 
so familiar to our ears— 
" Sail, ho !" 

" Where away?" asked the officer of the deck. 
" Broad on the weather beam, sir." 
" What does she look like?" 
" Can't make her out sir." 

A quarter-master was sent aloft with glasses, we hauled up 
close on the wind, orders were given to lower the propeller, the 
banked fires were stirred up, smoke rolled from the chimney, 
and we bore up, running on a bowline for the stranger. Very 
soon steam was raised, the screw was revolving rapidly, the quar- 
ter-master reported the chase to be a brig-rigged vessel, evidently 
of American build, and as she was running free, our relative 
courses would naturally bring us together in a short time. Very 
soon the brig was plainly visible from the deck of the Florida, 
and as a nise de guerre, we hoisted the stars and stripes, and hardly 
had the folds of the old flag kissed the breeze, before the same 
order of bunting floated ftom the chase. A prize, by all that's 
lucky ! — Of course there was a little excitement on the Florida, 

226 Southern Historical Monthly. 

and a hum and buzz of congratulation. Rapidly we neared her, 
and when about a half a mile distant, a shot from one of our 
twelve pound howitzers brought her to. Then we furled sail, 
steamed up close and hailed : 

M What ship is that?" 

" The Estelky 

" Where from and where bound?' 7 

" From Santiago to Boston." 

" What is your cargo ?" 

■' Sugar and molasses." 

"All right; I will send a boat on board." 

A few moments later and the first Lieutenant, with a prize 
crew in one of the quarter boats, was bounding over the still 
high rolling waves for the Estelie. The Federal flag still swung 
.from the Florida's gaff, but drawn up alongside it, in a neat bunt, 
and not perceivable from the deck of the Estelie, was the stars and 
bars. The Captain of the brig stood in the gangway prepared 
to receive his friends (?) who were very soon alongside. As Mr. 
Everett stepped on board, he was very courteously accosted by 
Capt. Brown, the Yankee skipper : 

" Glad to see you Captain," he said. " Step down into the 
cabin and take a glass — ." 

" One moment, if you please," replied Mr. Everett. Standing 
up in the gangway, he waved his hand to the Florida. Down in 
a twinkling came the stars and stripes — a quick jerk at the hal- 
yards loosed the folds of the Confederate ensign, and it floated 
out proudly. 

" Your vessel is a prize to the Confederate States!" laconically 
said Mr. Averett to the wonder struck skipper, who was staring 
as though in a dream, at the sudden apparition of a Confederate 
flag, that had taken the place, as though by enchantment, of the 
stars and stripes. He was completely dazed. 

" But — Captain — I thought — you were — " 

" Never mind what you thought. Time enough for that after 
a while. Your vessel, with the cargo, is now a prize to the Con- 
federate States' sloop of war Florida. You and your men are- 
prisoners of war. Get all your private property together and 
proceed on board the Florida. Ample time will be given you to 
get every thing claimed as individual property." 

Our First Prize. Z<27 

Slowly the situation forced itself upon the mind of the Boston 
skipper, and he acquiesced, though with very apparent ill-grace, 
proceeding doubtless from mortification at being adroitly hoax- 
ed into the belief that a Federal cruiser had honored him with a 

The Estelle was a brand new, A 1, hermaphrodite brig, on her 
first voyage. A trim, neat, tidy little vessel, perfectly fitted out, 
and quite valuable. In round numbers, and at now figures, we 
estimated the value of vessel and cargo at $100,000. We took 
from her a main top-sail yard, to replace one that had been car- 
ried away during the chase from Mobile bay, and which we had 
hurriedly fished while the Cuylcr was crowding us, a few barrels 
of meat, sea biscuits, tea and coffee, (the genuine article, and a. 
real luxury to men who had given the corn meal substitute an 
ad nauseam trial,) and just as the sun was sinking in the gulf we 
applied the torch. We fired her in two places — forward and aft— 
and the flames simultaneously burst from berth-deck and cabin. 
The sight of burning vessels became familiar enough to us all 
in after days, but the sight of the Estelle, our first prize, a sheet of 
fire from main truck to water's edge, the vessel rolling helplessly 
in the trough of the sea, the roaring, hissing flames, lighting the 
ocean far and near, will remain impressed upon my mind as one 
of the vivid episodes of our cruise so long as memory, lasts. 
Thus commenced the Viking career of our bonnie craft, and how 
well this vicarious little champion of the Confederate cause per- 
formed her part, let the shippers and owners of many a richly 
laden Northman tell. 

Away we go through the watches of the night, a fresh breeze 
filling the sails as we merrily bound over the white caps to the 
southward and westward. Two days before we made our mid- 
night dash through the blockading fleet, I received a short letter 
from a little friend away in Louisiana ; a winsome child of 
'scarcely a dozen summers, but she was very dear to me. Well 
do I recall, after the lapse of so many years, the concluding lines 
of the inevitable postscript, all underscored as they were : 

" That you may all be successful in eluding the vigilance of 

$28 Southern Historical Monthly. 

the enemy's fleet, and get safely to sea, to return safe and sound 
when war no longer vexes the land, is the constant prayer of 

Your little friend, 


Leaning on the "bulwarks that night in the middle watch, and 
looking astern to the dull red glare on the far off horizon that 
told us the Estelle still burned, I thought of that other Estelle far 
away in Dixie, and that it was a rather curious coincidence, that 
.our first burnt offering to the cause should bear her name. It 
was the last line I received from the South while the war lasted, 
;and I never saw the writer again. The daisies were growing 
;above her, when, after long and weary years of wandering and 
adventure, my feet again pressed the soil of the Southland, when 
i;he cause was lost and our flag forever folded. 

On we go with favoring winds to cheer us, on to the centre of 
the gulf again, a sharp lookout at the mast-head day and night, 
and then we head for " the ever faithful isle " — the gem of the 
Antilles. Just as the sun came up, a mass of golden glory from 
the bosom of the deep, on the morning of the 23rd, the welcome 
voice of the lookout proclaimed " land ho !•" and as the mist and 
fog disappeared before the gladdening beams of the day-king, 
the jutting head-land of Cape St. Antonio — the southernmost 
point of Cuba — greeted our eyes. Furling sails and steaming in 
close, we headed away to the north ward — hugging the coast, and 
beating to quarters twice during the day, on account of Spanish 
steamers — and just as the shades of night were enveloping the 
gay city of Havana, w r e glided beneath the frowning battlements 
of grim old Moro, and anchored in the harbor. 


Bonny Kate. 229 


Author of ' '■Morton Rouse" ''Valeric Aylmer" i% A Question of Honor, 11 Etc., Etc. 


In the midst of a rolling, picturesque country, surrounded by 
green hills, with a blue waving mountain line in the distance, 
stands Fairfields, the country-seat of Mr. Lawrence. It is a plea- 
sant, rambling old-fashioned place which for thirty years or more 
has been the headquarters of hospitality for all the friends of the 
family, and all the friends of their friends to the remotest ac- 
quaintance thereof. Especially in the hunting season is this hos- 
pitality taxed to the utmost. Huntsmen then come by scores 
(though luckily not all together), bringing their horses and dogs 
along with them for a run with the Lawrence pack. The master 
of this pack has from boyhood esteemed fox-hunting to be one of 
the first duties and pleasures of a gentleman, and he often ob- 
serves that he is too old to change his sentiments with the changed 

Yet times have changed as much for the Lawrences as for all 
other members of the planting community of the South. The 
income from the broad fertile fields of the plantation waxes yearly 
less, while the demands of the household, instead of decreasing in 
like ratio, wax steadily greater, as a large family shoot upwards 
with a celerity which often reminds their anxious mother of 
Jack's beanstalk. "How children grow I" she repeats, despairing- 
ly, when she finds the dresses, coats and trousers of last season 
utterly outgrown and useless. As it is frequently the case, the 
anxiety consequent upon this state of affairs falls most heavily 
on the feminine head of the household. Mr. Lawrence comes of 
an open-handed race, and though not a spendthrift, he is gener- 
ous to a fault, and constitutionally averse to anything like a con- 
sideration of economies. 

His eldest son, Will, is popularly spoken of as "his father's own 
son." He certainly possesses the frank Lawrence face, the stal- 
wart Lawrence figure, the cordial good-fellowship, the love of out- 

£30 Southern Historical Monthly. 

door life and sports which for generations have distinguished his 
name. The second son is different, From his mother he has 
inherited certain tastes altogether opposed to the Lawrence char- 
acter. One of these is a decided liking for money-making — in 
consequence of which he was, by his own request, early sent to 
one of the sea hoard cities and placed in the business house of a 
cousin of Mrs. Lawrence. From thence encouraging reports have 
come of his capabilities, and he occasionally descends upon the 
family circle in the character of a visitor, bringing with him now 
and then some friend from the city to enjoy a glimpse of that old 
Southern life which is fast dying out among us. 

Next in order come two sisters, Sophy and Janet, aged respect- 
ively twenty and eighteen, while following them in close succes- 
sion are Allen, Bessie, Lucy, Mark and Reita — making what their 
father often calls " the tuneful nine." Besides these there is an- 
other member of the family who adds her full quota to the Babel 
of voices, ranging through every key of the youthful gamat and 
indicating every mood of the } T outhful spirit. This is a niece of 
Mr. Lawrence, who was early left to his care by an improvident 
younger brother — one of those men who, endowed with brilliant 
talents, make no other use of them than to win hearts and squan- 
der fortunes, yet- who are often more regretted than infinitely 
better people. Allen Lawrence successively squandered two for 
tunes, and died leaving barely enough to pay his debts, and 
making no provision whatever for his daughter. His wife for- 
tunately had died soon after her marriage, so when Mr. Lawrence 
answered in person the message which told him that his brother 
was one of the victims of yellow fever during a season of epidemic, 
he found only his grave and a child of eight or nine years. The 
latter looked at him with gentle fearlessness inner dark eyes, and 
when asked her name, answered simply, " Papa called me his 
bonny Kate." The unconscious pathos of the words touched Mr. 
Lawrence's warm heart. "Your papa was right," he said : "You 
are bonny, my pretty darling, and you shall be my Kate hence- 
forth, God willing " 

No one ever made a vow with better resolve to keep it, but 
nevertheless the speaker found that by the directions of a brief 
paper — half will, half memorandum of debts — written by the 
dead man at the beginning of his illness, the child was left to the 

Bonny Kate. 231 

joint guardianship of himself and her maternal uncle, Mr. Ash- 
ton. " It is not just that you should be burdened with the indi- 
vidual charge," Allen Lawrence had written. " Her mother's 
brother should at least share the responsibility, and if he fulfils 
his duty by desiring to adopt her altogether, I request you to al- 
low him to do so. He is unmarried, and she is his natural heir.'' 
In view of these words Mr. Lawrence could not fail to inform 
Mr. Ashton of the trust committed to him — in return for which 
information he received a curt and not very civil missive, in which 
Mr. Ashton informed him that he had resolutely refused to allow 
his brother-in-law to impose on him during life, and he should 
certainly not allow him to do so after death. 

" I endeavored by every means in my power to keep my sister 
from marrying him," he wrote, " and when she persisted in doing 
so, I washed my hands altogether of her affairs. In the child I 
have no interest whatever, and I decline absolutely to act as 
guardian, or to assume any control of her. By regarding this 
decision as final, you will oblige 

Yours respectfully, 

Edward Ashton." 

Needless to say that this icas final, and that the little waif thus 
rejected on one side was received with double warmth on the 
other. Growing up to womanhood as one of the numerous family, 
she has won a distinct place of her own by virtue of some charm 
of character, which even those who are most closely associated with 
her are not able to analyze. She is winsomely pretty, this bonny 
Kate. A slight, graceful figure which she carries admirably, a 
charming face with delicate, clear-cut features and soft brunette 
complexion, eyes like dark diamonds and crisp dark hair grow- 
ing low on a smooth broad forehead — add to this a smile like 
flashing sunshine, and you have all that words can give in the 
way of a picture of Kate Lawrence. 

It is an established fact that she is " papa's favorite," yet this 
rouses no jealousy in any breast save perhaps a little in that of 
Mrs. Lawrence. To the credit of Sophy and Janet — who are 
frank pleasant girls with no special charms of person — it must be 
recorded that instead of disliking their cousin, and combining 
to thrust her into the background, they are warmly attached to 

282 Southern Historical Monthly. % 

her, while the boys are her devoted subjects, and the children 
adore her. That Kate returns all this affection in full measure 
there is not the least doubt. She loves the friends and the home 
of her youth with a passionate fondness which is part of her na- 
ture. In little or great affairs she feels nothing, does nothing by 
halves. Her whole heart is in her candid eyes and her loyal 
hand. She does not know — it is not likely that she will ever 
learn — how much wiser, according to the wisdom of the world, 
are those who make prudent compromises with life, who give all 
things cautiously, and run no risk without counting its cost. 
She will never count the cost of anything — looking at her one 
feels sure of that : she will give freely all that is hers to 'bestow, 
keeping back no secret hoard for any dark hour that may be to 
come. After all, such natures, though they suffer deeply, have 
their compensation. It is given to them — once or twice in life, at 
least — to taste the full measure of that supreme happiness which 
is never divorced from the capability of supreme generosity, to 
possess for one divine reckless hour some joy which the cautious 
and selfish could never know. 

On a soft bright October morning, in the height of the hunt- 
ing season, when the woods that encircled Fairfields are glowing 
with brilliant tints, and the tender, blue haze drapes them like 
smoke, Janet Lawrence enters the family sitting-room with an 
open letter in her hand. 

" Girls," she says solemnly, " who do you suppose is coming ?" 

" Who ?" asked Sophy, looking up from her work. 

" Who ?" asked Kate, turning from the piano, where she is try- 
ing to lead Bessie (aged fourteen) over the "variations" of a popu- 
lar piece of music. 

"Who, Janet?" cries the last-named young lady, wheeling 
round on the piano-stool. 

" Do you think I will tell you when you have not one of you 
given a single guess?" replies Janet, putting the hand which 
holds the letter behind her. 

" What nonsense I" says Sophy. " How can we guess, when so 
many people come? Is it George Murray, with three horses and 
fifteen dogs?" 

" Is it Tom, with two or three city friends ?" asks Kate. 

" Is it Annie Proctor ?" says Bessie. 

Bonny Kate. 233 

" All wrong," says Janet, "at least all wrong except Kate, and 
she is partly right. Tom is coming, and " — dramatic pause — 
" Miss Vaughn !" 

"Janet !" cry three voices in chorus. 

Janet nods with emphasis, after which she draws forth the let- 
ter. "From Tom to mamma," she says. "Listen !" Then she 
reads as follows : 

"Dear Mother: — Your letter has just arrived. Thanks exceed- 
ingly for the note enclosed to Miss Vaughn. I have not the 
faintest douht but that she will go. I saw her last night and she 
assured, me that she was as anxious as ever to do so. Somebody 
has been telling her a long rigmarole about Fairfields, and she is 
crazy to see the place. She does pretty much what she likes in 
all respects, but still she was averse to going on the strength of 
an invitation given solely through me, therefore I am obliged for' 
the note. I shall deliver it this afrernoon, and let you know 
when to expect us. Yours affectionately, 

T. V. Lawrence. 

P. S. I have*seen her, and it is settled that we leave day after 
to-morrow. Expect us, therefore, on Thursday, and be sure and 
have the carriage in Arlingford to meet the 10.35 train. We shall 
be only three in party— Miss Vaughn, her brother, and myself." 

"So she means to bring her brother along to play propriety P 
says Sophy. " I was wondering if she meant to come alone with 
Tom. Heavens and earth ! If / weie a man, should I be such a 
fool as th'at, I wonder ?" 

" Do you mean as Tom ?" asks Janet. " I hope not. One is 
enough in a family. How long has he been infatuated with that 
woman ! And I know— I feel to the centre of my prophetic soul — 
that she means to treat him exactly as she has treated other and 
better (one can't possibly say wiser) men I" 

"How odd of Aunt Margaret not to mention what an honor 
was in store for us," says Kate. " She might have given us a hint, 
so that we would not be utterly overwhelmed." 

" Mamma would do anything on the face of the earth that Tom 
asked her," says Janet, " but I think she was shy about telling 
this. She does not think any better of Miss Vaughn than we do- 
nor want her a bit more." 

2 3 J/. Southern Historical Monthly. 

I " The question is," says Kate, " why she is coming?" 

" For the sake of a new sensation," says Sophy. 

" For the pleasure of Tom's society," says Janet, with unkind 

" Neither likely," says Kate. " To come to a quiet country- 
house can't be anything of a sensation to a person of her expe- 
rience ; and as for Tom's society — she can have as much of that 
as she likes without journeying to Fairfields for it. No, I feel 
sure that she is coming for some reason which none of us under- 
stand — as yet." 

" However that may be," says Janet, " it is a fixed fact that she 
is coming, and the question is, what are we to do with her?" 

" I don't see the necessity for doing anything," says Sophy. "She 
can flirt with Tom — we have no other amusement for her, unless 
Will takes her fox-hunting." 

" Will is not likely to do that," observes Bessie, "for he says 
that Kate is the only woman he cares to see in the hunting-field." 

" How complimentary to his sisters !" says Janet. " What a 
charming thing brotherly candor is, to be sure^ And yonder 
comes the gentleman to answer for his words. Will, we were just 
speaking of you." 

" Speak of the devil," replies Will, entering at the moment, "'and 
you know who will appear. What are you g\rls confabulating 
about? You look interested and mysterious." 

" Have you brought my lace?" demands Sophy, before anyone 
can answer. " I told you to be sure and bring me three yards of 
Valenciennes edging from Arlingford." 

" Don't excite yourself," says Will, drawing a small parcel from 
his inner coat-pocket. a Here it is — I hope it is all right. I left 
the selection to the clerk, for I knew no more about it than my 
horse might have done." 

" Yes, it is right — for a wonder," says Sophy, opening the par- 
cel and examining its contents critically. "You are usually 
very unreliable in shopping matters, Will — so different from 
Tom, who knows as much about silks and laces as a woman." 

" Is she not grateful ?" says Kate. :i Never mind, Will ! It is 
a great deal more becoming to a man to know the points of a 
horse or a dog than the details of a woman's dress like a milli- 

Bonny Kate. 235 

"Thank you, Katie — you are always a tramp for standing by 
your friends," answers Will. " Speaking of horses and dogs, 
have the huntsmen come in ? What a bore it was to be obliged 
to go into Arlingford to see about selling cotton this morning in- 
stead of going fox-hunting !" 

" No, they have not come in," says Kate. " Didn't uncle say 
last night that they were going to take the hounds to Woodland. 
He certainly told me that the ride and the hunt together would 
be too long for me." 

" You are right," says Will, " they won't be back before- even- 
ing. I forgot that they were going so far. No doubt that Wil- 
mer and one or two others will come over with them and we'll 
have arousing hunt nearer home to-morrow." 

" Then can I go ?" asks Kate eagerly. 

"If you like," he answers. "But talking of the hunt has 
made me forget a piece of news. Who do you suppose I met in 
Arlingford, girls ?" 

"How can we tell?" asks Sophy impatiently. ''You and 
Janet are insufferable with your conundrums. Was it anybody 

" You used to think him uncommonly nice. It was Frank 

"Frank Tarleton !" cry the girls. " Will, are you in earnest? 
When did he come?" 

" This morning, I believe," answers Will. " I met him unex- 
pectedly on the street." 

"What has he come for?" asks Janet. 

" How does he look?" asks Kate. 

" It didn't occur to me to ask what he has come for/' replies 
Will. "As for his looks, they are just what tney used to be — I 
see scarcely any difference in him." 

" Dear me!" says Sophy. " W^e are overwhelmed with excit- 
ing intelligence. Tom is coming in a few days, bringing Miss 
Vaughn and her brother with him." 

" The deuce !" cries Will, opening his eyes with an expression 
of by no means well pleased astonishment. " What is the mean- 
ing of that?" 

" Nobody knows," says Janet. " 'vVe are all lost in wonder. 

236 Southern Historical Monthly, 

Perhaps Miss Vaughn wants to see what Tom's family are like 
before deciding to marry him.' 1 

"I haven't the least idea that she means to marry him at all," 
says Will. " Tom is a fool to let any woman treat him in such 
fashion — and so I have told him." 

" We have all told him so," says Sophy, " but he does not pay 
any attention to our opinion. At least we shall have the satis- 
faction of seeing this famous beauty." 

" And you'll probably find that she is no beauty at all," says 
Will, rising to leave the room. At the door he stops and turn- 
ing as if a thought suddenly struck him, adds, " By the bye, 
what is her first name — Miss Vaughn's, I mean ?" 

" Florida, I believe," answers Janet. " Why do you ask ?" 

" Because I heard in Arlingford thatTarleton has entered sev- 
eral horses for the races, and one of them is named Florida 

" So he is a victim, too !" says Sophy. " I am sorry to hear it 
though people tell such- shocking things of him — of his dissipa- 
tion and extravagance and everything of the kind — that I don't 
suppose it matters much." 

" Poor Frank !" says Kate. " Are we going to give him up on 
mere hearsay ?" 

" I think it is he who has given us up," says Janet. " For three 
years we have hardly heard a word from him, and before he 
went away he was as much at home in this house as one of the 

" What is that, Janet?" asks Mrs. Lawrence, miking her ap- 
pearance in the open door. "Of whom are vou talking?" 

" Of Frank Tarleton," replies Janet. " Kate says that we 
should not give him up on mere hearsay. I say that it is he who 
has given us up — or at least neglected us for three years past. 
And you know, mamma, how intimate he used to be here." 

'* I know that I am glad he has seen fit to give us up, as you 
call it," says Mrs. Lawrence. " I have never been more disap- 
pointed in a young man than in Frank Tarleton, and I should 
dislike exceedingly to have any association with him." 

"But, mamma, he has come back," cries Bessie. "Will has 
seen him." 

Mrs. Lawrence glances interrogatively at her son, who nods 

Bonny Kate. 237 

assent, " Yes, I have seen him," he says. " We met in Arling- 
ford this morning.'' 

" I am sorry to hear it," says Mrs. Lawrence uncompromisingly. 
She moves across the floor as she speaks, and sits down by her 
work-table with a cloud of vexation on her brow — vexation which 
springs from many causes, and in which the news of Frank 
Tarleton's arrival is only one ingredient. Nevertheless this 
gives a sharp edge to her voice .as she goes on, " I hope you will 
have sufficient regard for your sisters and cousin, not to renew 
your intimacy with the young man, Will. Yon can be friendly 
without bringing him here on terms of familiarity. Remember 
that I distinctly object to anything of that kind." . 

The girls glance at each other in dismay. The maternal edicts, 
as they know well, are not to be disregarded, and does this mean 
that. Frank Tarleton has returned, and that they are to derive no 
pleasure from that event? Will, on his part, looks disgusted. 

11 No doubt there are plenty of people ready to turn the cold 
shoulder to Tarleton now that he is reported to have ruined him- 
self," he says, " but I didn't imagine that we would lead off." 

"Will, you forget yourself!" says his mother. "And you 
must know as well as I do that it is . not because Frank Tarleton 
is reported to have ruined himself, that I speak of him in this 
way, but because of the reputation he has acquired." 

" If all the gossips were hanged," says Will, " what a blessing 
to the world it would be!" With which he marches out of the 

" Mamma," says Bessie, with a rueful face, " do you mean that 
we shan't see him at all ?" 

" I mean nothing so absurd," says her mother. " Go back to 
your practising, and don't let me her anything more from you 
on the subject. " You girls " — she glances at the other three — 
"understand what I mean. Nothing is more essential in life 
than to know how to be civil and yet distant. Of course you 
will be civil to Frank Tarleton, but I especially desire that you 
will be nothing more." 

" Civil and yet distant !" repeats Sophy. " It would be easier 
to cut Frank outright than to be that to him." 

" No doubt it would be easier," says her mother, " but the 
easiest thing is not always the best thing to do. . Now let me hear 

238 Southern Historical Monthly. 

if any of you can suggest some means of amusing Miss Vaughn 
while she is here." 

" She will most likely find her own means of amusement," 
says Sophy. " She belongs to the class ' man-eater ' — and Fair- 
fields can furnish a few victims. Turn to begin with — " 

" I should say that he has been already devoured," interposes 
Janet. "Suppose we begin with Hugh Wilmer? It is true he 
is your special property, but by all accounts such trifles as pre- 
vious attachments don't stand much in Miss Vaughn's way." 

" I'll answer for Hugh Wilmer !" cries Kate's sweet gay voice. 
"A dozen Miss Vaughns could not make him waver in his devo- 
tion to Sophy." 

" I am not sure of that," says Janet, with the air of one who 
has seen and known much of the folly and credulity of the mas- 
culine nature, " but to oblige you both, I'll leave out Hugh and 
begin with Frank Tarleton." 

" But very likely he has already been devoured," says Sophy, 
" since he has a horse named Florida Vaughn." 

" You are ail talking a great deal of nonsense/' says Mrs. Law- 
rence, " and that child at the piano is so busy listening to you 
that she has not played six correct notes in the last ten minutes. 



Kate was right in saving that Mr. Lawrence has taken his 
hounds over to Woodlands— the Wilmer plantation, distant seven 
or eight miles from Fairfields. The hunting party started about 
three o'clock in the morning, and do not return until five in the 
afternoon. The place seems alive with noise when they come in. 
There are half a dozen huntsmen and more than a score of 
hounds, for the Wilmer pack has been joined to that of Mr. Law- 
rence. Will, who has solaced himself by going out with a gun 
among the partridges, appears with two pointers at his heels, and 
hears accounts of all that he has missed. " The best run of the 
season !' ; says Mr. Lawrence enthusiastically. " I never saw a 
prettier chase. We got over to Woodlands in good time, and the 

Bonny Kate. 239 

dogs had not been trailing an hour when they jumped a fox. He 
made a splendid run, and the country was capital for following 
the hounds." 

Then the others chime in, and they tell what dogs distinguish- 
ed themselves, and what tricks the fox had recourse to, and where 
he doubled and how he turned, and all the other details which 
huntsmen discuss with infinite gusto after the hunt is over. Even 
round the dinner-table this conversation is still maintained — 
conversation which is very familiar to the ears of the Lawrence 
household. Presently Hugh Wilrner — a good-looking yoling 
man of twenty-six or seven with reddish hair and beard and 
bright gray eyes full of the most hearty enjoyment of life — turns 
to Sophy, next whom he is sitting, and asks if she will not go 
out with them the next morning. 

" Not I," she answers. " I have never been able to find any- 
thing sufficiently attractive in fox-hunting to repay one for the 
exertion required. The last time that I was foolish enough to 
rise at four o'clock in the morning for such a purpose, I register- 
ed a solemn vow never to be guilty of such folly again — and I 
don't think I ever shall be." 

" I know who does not think it folly," says Mr. Wilrner, look- 
ing across the table and meeting Kate's shining eyes. 

The owner of the eyes laughs. " You are quite right if you 
mean me," she says. " I would rise at any hour for a good chase. 
I have been trying hard not to be envious while you were all 
talking of your run to-day, and I mean to go to-morrow— if 
there is anything for me to ride." 

" Any of us would go on foot sooner than that you should re- 
main at home on that account," says the gentleman next her — a 
young planter from a neighboring county, who is shrewdly sus- 
pected of coming to Fairfields for other objects than fox-hunting. 

" We won't tax your gallantry that far, Proctor/' says Will. 
" Kate shall ride Diana and she could not have a better mount." 

" Not possibly — if you mean the chestnut mare," says a voice 
farther down the table. " I rode her to-day, and I never was on 
a better animal. She goes over fences like a bird." 
- " Will trained her," says Kate. " He said he wanted to be sure 
I would not break my neck in following the hounds." 

" A very laudable desire," says Mr. Proctor. " Will, if you are 

2JfO Southern Historical Monthly. 

good at training horses, I wish you would try your hand on that 
hard-mouthed brute of mine." 

" Do you wish to convert him into a lady's horse ?" asks Will, 
with a significance which covers Mr. Proctor with confusion. 

W T hen the laugh which greets this has subsided, Sophy makes 
a diversion in the general attention by turning to Mr. Wilmer 
and asking if he is aware that Frank Tarleton has returned to 
his native county. 

" Tarleton ! is it possible ! — No, I have heard nothing of it," 
answers that gentleman. "" When did he return ?" 

" What is that?" cries the voice of Mr. Lawrence from the end 
of the table. " Did I hear Tarleton's name? Is there any chance 
of his coming back ?" 

u He has come back," answers Will. " I met him to-day in 

" The deuce you did !" says his father. " Then why didn't you 
bring him home with you ?" 

At this, Gophy, Janet and Kate glance at each other, and then 
simultaneously at Mrs. Lawrence. That lady's face is blandly 
immovable. She makes no attempt to telegraph anything like 
reproof to her husband, but camly awaits an opportunity for a 
full and decisive explanation. 

" I didn't think of it," Will answers, with the suspicion of an 
amused smile around the corners of his mouth. "We met unex 
pectedly, and parted hastily." 

"What has brought him back?" asks Hugh Wilmer. "I 
thought he had left this part of country for good ? Only the 
other day I heard that Southdale would soon be for sale." 

" What a pity !" say the feminine voices. " Such a pretty 
place !" 

" Yes, a pretty place, though old-fashioned and very much in 
need of repairs," answers one of those people who make it their 
business to know the private concerns of every one else. " It has 
been under a heavy mortgage for some time, and since Tarleton's 
affairs don't grow any better, it is likely to be in the market be- 
fore long." 

" It's a pity that sowing wild oats is such an expensive busi- 
ness," says Mr. Wilmer. "Many a man by the time he has fin- 
ished it, hasn't any capital left for anything else." .-.-., 

Bonny Kate. 2Jfl 

" I hear Tarleton is trying to redeem his fortunes on the turf," 
says another voice. 

" I should be sorry to believe that/' says Mr. Lawrence. " He 
might as well become a gambler in any other way." 

" Gossip generally runs ahead of fact," says Will. " Tarleton 
has two or three race horses — that is enough of a peg to hang 
the rest on." 

After dinner Mr. Lawrence is taken aside by his wife and in- 
structed with regard to his duty as the head of a family. " You 
should think of your daughters," she says, " before you introduce 
a ruined and dissipated young man familiarly into your house." 

* " Think of my daughters," repeats Mr. Lawrence impatiently. 
" Why, they grew up with Frank Tarleton as with their own 
brothers ; and upon my word I don't think it is very charitable 
of you to condemn the poor fellow in this way before he has a 
chance to say a word for himself." 

" I have no desire to condemn him," says Mrs. Lawrence, "but 
I ask you this — should you like him for a son-in-law?" 

Her husband utters a laugh. " I believe women never hear a 
man's name that they don't figure to themselves how he would 
answer in a matrimonial point of view," he says. " Time enough 
to think of him as a son-in-law when he shows any desire to be- 
come one." 

" You are mistaken," replies Mrs. Lawrence, with the majestic 
contempt of superior wisdom, " it would be too late then. How- 
ever, I can do no more than warn you. That clears my con- 
science, and the rest is your affair." 

" You know that I am always anxious to gratify you as far as 
possible in everything," says Mr. Lawrence more gravely, '* but 
in this matter it is impossible. I cannot think of such a thing 
as treating Frank Tarleton coldly." 

" You don't seem to understand that there is a medium in all 
things," says the lady. " I suppose there is no good in discuss- 
ing the matter further. Here are some letters that came for you 

• " 4ny thing important?" he asks, taking them reluctantly. 
" I am tired out, and think I shall go to bed early, since I must 
be in the saddle to-morrow morning by five." 

" Nothing so important as a fox-hunt, I presume," she answers 
8 . 

24% Southern Historical Monthly. 

a little sarcastically, "but there is one addressed in a lady's hand 
which you had better open. It has puzzled me to imagine who 
it can be from." 

"Then why didn't you open it?" he asks, selecting- the missive 
in question and tearing the envelope across. The sheet within 
has not more than half a dozen lines of writing on it, and lean- 
ing over her husband's shoulder, Mrs. Lawrence read them with 
him : 

" Dear Mr. Lawrence : — When we met last you gave me a cordial 
invitation to come and see you at Fairfields. I did not think at 
that time that I should ever do so — though I remembered well 
the pleasant days I spent there in my youth — but since then my 
mind has. changed, and if it will be altogether convenient to Mrs. 
Lawrence and yourself for me to spend a week with you during 
this lovely autumn season, I shall be glad to do so. 

Yours very truly, 

Anastasia Brooke." 

"That is something unexpected/' says Mr. Lawrence, laying 
down the letter, " but there's nobody I should like better to see. 
You'll write to her to-morrow, Margaret, and say so.?" 

" I suppose I must — but it is very inconvenient that she should 
want to come just now," answers Mrs. Lawrence. " I had a letter 
from Tom to-day, saying that he will be here with Miss Vaughn 
and her brother on Thursday, and the house is not elastic, though 
you seem to think so." 

" Tom be hanged !" says Tom's father, with unusual irritation. 
"What claim on us has that girl he is making a consummate fool 
of himself about, in comparison with Anastasia Brooke, who has 
been my life-long friend ? If one or the other is to be put off, let 
it be Miss Vaughn." 

"That is impossible — there is not time to let her know." 

" Then manage as best you can, but remember that Miss Brooke 
must come." 

" It is very easy to say, manage as best I can — but you know 
nothing of the difficulties of such managing," says Mrs. Lawrence. 
"You are right, however, in thinking that it won't do to put off 
Miss Brooke — she is a person of too much consequence." 

Bonny Kate, 243 

" I was not thinking of her consequence," replies Mr. Law- 
rence, " but of our old friendship." 

" Perhaps in consideration of that old friendship, she may take 
a fancy to the girls and offer to give them a few social opportu- 
nities," suggests his wife. 

11 1 wouldn't advise you to build on such a hope," says Mr. 
Lawrence. " If she takes a fancy to anybody it is likely to be to 

" In all my life," says Mrs. Lawrence, flushing angrily, "I have 
never known an} T man so openly indifferent to his own daughters 
as you are ! You invariably prefer Kate over them — though 
how she is in any manner their superior I cannot tell." 

" I was not speaking of my own preference, but of Miss- 
Brooke's," responds her husband. "Is that the last Turf, Field 
and Farm f I'll look over it and then go to bed. What a splen- 
did run that was to-day ! I hope we'll have as good luck to- 

The next morning is all that the heart of huntsmen can de- 
sire, and between four and five o'clock — while not a single star 
Las yet paled out of the brilliant sky or a streak uf daylight ap- 
peared in the east — the winding blast of a horn in the rear of 
the house is followed by the yelping voices of many hounds. 

Within, several doors open and close in rapid succession, and 
several masculine figures issue therefrom and descend the stair- 
case. Will stops at one door which has not unclosed, and knocks. 
'J Kate!" he cries, " are you ready?" 

" In a moment," answers an eager voice. The next instant the 
door opens, and Kate — looking very slim in her riding habit — 
comes out. She is drawing on a pair of gauntlets, and has a 
tartan shawl hanging over her arm. 

"It is a perfect morning for a chase," she says, " but we shall! 
find it chilly at first. Let us go down and get some coffee." 

They run down gaily to the hall below. Here a lamp is burn- 
ing, and a tray containing a coffee-pot and half a dozen cups and 
saucers stands on a table. To this Kate goes, pours out and 
makes a cup for her companion and one for herself. " I am sorry 
I am too late to make uncle's," she says, while they drink stand- 
ing- " He never can make it to suit himself. Yonder he comes 
now. Are the horses ready, uncle?" 

%44 Southern Historical Monthly. 

" All ready," answers Mr. Lawrence, entering the hall from the 
outer door and walking up to the table. " I have come for my 
cup of coffee," he says. " You know how to make it, Kate." 

The coffee is quickly made and as quickly drank. Then Kate 
pins her shawl over her shoulders, takes her whip and goes with 
her uncle and cousin to the starlit world outside. There are 
dark figures of men and horses dimly visible, horns are sound- 
ing, dogs are answering, horses are neighing and stamping, men 
are talking — it is a scene such as every fox-hunter knows well. 

"Good morning, Miss Kate — very glad to see that you are 
coming w r ith us," says Mr. Proctor's voice out of the obscurity. 
-" .Can I put you on your horse ?" 

*" No, thanks— I am accustomed to Will," answers Kate. She 
^puts her hand, as she speaks, on her cousin's shoulder, and his 
strong arm swings her lightly to the saddle. Then, after a little 
more delay, and much more blowing, it is ascertained that all 
the dogs have reported for duty, so the cavalcade forms and they 
move away. 

" Where are we going ?" asks Mr. Proctor, who was too busy 
flirting the night before to heed the plan of the campaign a s 
settled by the others. " Across the creek," Will answers. " There 
.are some famous covers over there where we hardly ever fail to 
start a fox. Ten to one w r e'll hear the dogs open within fifteen 
minutes after we have crossed it." The accuracy of this opinion 
is soon demonsrrated. They ride at a brisk pace through a 
forest road for some distance — the dogs straggling, on each side, 
and now and then some young and foolish are starting the trail 
of a rabbit — and presently cross a small creek. They have not 
passed more than a few hundred yards beyond this, when sud- 
denly from a patch of w T oods on the right comes the note w T hich 
means in dog-language, " I have struck a trail !" 

" By George, there it is already!" cries Will, gallopping for- 
ward and harking the others to the signal at the top of his voice. 

" Is that a reliable dog ?" asks a new-comer. 

" Reliable !" answers Wilmer. " I should think so ! That's 
•old Trailer— eh, Mose ?" 

"That's him!" answers Mose — the huntsman of the Lawrence 
pack, black as the ace of spades but well mounted as any gentle- 

Bonny Kate. 245 

man of the party — "There ain't no mistake when Trailer opens. 
Hi Muse, hi Grace, hi Silver — hark to him IV 

The dogs obe\ r , dashing headlong from all directions toward 
the deep-mouthed leader and opening as they, too, strike the trail. 
The riders follow fast — the foremost men straining their throats 
to the utmost. 

The trail is a " warm " one, and the dogs easily trace it through 
the wood, and soon emerge into an open field. Here the horse- 
men pause while the hounds follow all the winding turns of the 
scent, and finally take a tolerably straight course along 'a ridge 
for a mile or two. Then comes another old field, much grown 
up with thickets, where the knowing ones are sure that Reynard 
himself will be started. 

This part of the hunt is not very exciting. It is interesting to 
see a well-trained pack " trailing " — their noses to the ground, 
their little bodies instinct with eagerness as they double and turn 
— but sitting on horseback at daylight on a frosty October morn- 
ing is rather a chilly amusement. The east has been glowing 
with all manner of lovely tints for seme time, but nobody has 
heeded them, and only Kate utters an exclamation of admira- 
tion when the sun finally mounts above the horrizon and sends 
his first level lines of gold over the- mist-hung valleys to the 
brilliant woods that belt the horizon. At this moment the pack 
breaks into a crashing cry which tells that the fox is " up," and 
then there is an end of dallying. Many of the horses knew the 
sound as well as their riders, and prick up their ears eagerty. 

Then comes the moment of glowing excitement. The fox 
dashes away with the pack at his heels. The men are shouting 
themselves hoarse, the horses are straining every nerve, the phy- 
sical exhilaration attendant upon a chase is at it's best. Kate 
has been loitering in the rear with Mr. Proctor, but they now 
come up at a sweeping gallop and take a fence which intervenes 
between them and the rest of the party. Both horses are trained 
to this work, but Diana makes the best performance. She goes 
over like a greyhound, and as she settles again to her stride, 
Kate, hearing hoof-strokes behind, turns her head in time to see 
a black horse, mounted by a slender young man, take the fence 
even more lightly than Diana had done. The next instant horse 
and rider dash past and join the huntsmen ahead. 

24& Southern Historical Monthly. 

She turns with a look of surprise to her escort. " Who is 
that ?" she asks. *■ None of the parly, I am sure." 

" O no — certainly not one of our party," replied Mr. Proctor. 
" Some outsider just coining into the hunt. I never saw manor 
horse before." 

" Did you see the horse take the fence ?" she asks. " It was 
even prettier than one of Diana's leaps — though yours are charm- 
ing, my pet." she added, stroking the mare's neck. 

It boots not to relate all the details of the chase which ensues. 
Away goes the fox, striking out straight for the hills, hot 'and fast 
the dogs pursue, eager and noisy the huntsmen follow — across 
plantations, through woods and over streams the chase sweeps. 
It lasts fully an hour, and by the time that a wild uproar froii 
more than twenty canine throats tells that the " red " is about 
to die game, Kate is quite ready to draw up her panting horse 
and say to her companion, " Ride on — I never care to be in at 
the death." 

He is too excited not to obey, and so she is left for a few min- 
utes alone — minutes which she employs in taking off her shawl 
and fastening it across the front of her saddle, in re-arranging 
her disordered hair and tying on her hat more securely. She is 
still occupied in this manner when a horseman turns from the 
group round the dogs and gallops back across the field. It is 
not until he is within a dozen yards of her that she observes 
him. Then she sees the black horse that she has already re- 
marked and his graceful rider. The latter lifts his hat as her 
glance falls on him, and with a smile rides up to he** side. " I 
cannot be mistaken," he says, extending his hand. " This is 
bonny Kate." 

(To be Continued.) 

Letter from James H. Lane. 247 


Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College, 

Blacksburg, January 25, 187G. 

Messrs. Editors: Since the establishment of your valuable 
paper and magazine, Our Living and Our Dead, you have 
published all of my official reports to the battle of Turkey Ridge, 
near Gaines's Mill. I am unable to furnish you with the re- 
mainder of the reports for the campaign of 1864, as -my only 
copies of them were destroyed at Appomattox Court House. 
• While I was absent wounded, my brigade, commanded suc- 
cessively by Colonels Barry and Spear, and General Conner, took 
part in the following engagements : Riddle's Shop, June 13th ; 
Three miles southeast of Petersburg, June 22d ; Petersburg, June 
23d ; Gravel Hill, July 28th ; Fussell's Mills, August 16th and 
18th ; Reams's Station, August 28th. In all of which, as I was 
informed by the two Colonels commanding, Capt. E. J. Hale, Jr~, 
and others, it behaved with its usual gallantry. 

Upon reporting for duty to General Lee, he remarked, in 
speaking of the tight at Reams's Station, that Cook's, McRae's, 
and Lane's brigades had, by their gallantry there displayed, not 
only placed North Carolina, but the whole Confederac}* under a 
debt of gratitude which could never be repaid, and added that 
he had written to Governor Vance expressing his high apprecia- 
tion of what they had done, in addition to having sent his official 
report to the authorities in Richmond. 

On the morning of the 30th of September, troops from the 
right of the line around Petersburg, including my brigade, were 
ordered by General Lee to the north side of the James to sup- 
port the forces then and there engaged ; and the new woiks near 
the Pegram House were necessarily left to be defended by a weak 
skirmish line of dismounted cavalry. After crossing the Appo- 
mattox and marching beyond Et tricks, we were ordered back as 
our right was threatened. 

That afternoon my brigade was formed in line of battle to the 
right of the road leading to the Jones House, and another o* 
Wilcox's brigades was formed on the left. The enemy were 
driving our cavalry skirmishers back rapidly, and Major Wooten, 

2 48 Southern Historical Monthly. 

to cover the formation of my line, was compelled to deploy his 
sharp-shooters at a double quick and push rapidly forward. This 
he did so quickly, so handsomely, and with the capture of so 
many prisoners, that it elicited the outspoken admiration of a 
large group of General officers who witnessed the gallant dash. 
One of them remarked that it was the handsomest thing of the 
kind he had seen during the war. 

My line was formed just beyond a small stream of water, and 
the ground in front, particularly on the right, was rolling and 
served, somewhat, to shelter my men. I put the 33d regiment 
on the right, as I feared a flank movement in that direction and 
I had unbounded confidence in the bravery, coolness and judg- 
ment of its Colonel, R. V. Cowan. I made known my fears to 
Cowan and instructed him, should such a movement be at- 
tempted, to manoeuvre his regiment at once to meet it and not 
to await orders from me. Not long after leaving him and a short 
time before the general advance, there was heard a volley and a 
shout on the right. A large body of Federals had formed per- 
pendicular to Wooten's line of skirmishers, under the impres- 
sion, I suppose, that it was my line of battle which was lying 
down and which they did not see, and were advancing rapidly ; 
but Cowan was on the alert, and when the Federal line was 
nearly opposite his colors, he moved his regiment to the top of 
the hill, and with a well directed, converging, flank fire, broke 
the whole line and sent them back in great disorder into 
the hands of our cavalry which had been posted still farther to 
the right. This was the first and only battle in which I ever 
saw both lines advancing to meet each other. We encountered 
the main body of the enemy at the Jones House, and after a short 
but obstinate resistance, drove them back in the greatest confu- 
sion to the Pegram House. I never saw a richer battlefield, as 
oil cloths, blankets, knapsacks,. and the like, were scattered in 
every direction by the retreating foe, some of whom in their 
hasty flight actually cut their knapsacks from their shoulders as 
shown by the straps 

Jn passing through the garden I had occasion to order forward 
a man who had stopped to plunder. Immediately a real soldier 
sprang up from one of the walks and cried out to me that he 
was neither a plunderer nor a skulker, but was there with his 

Letter from James H. Lane. 2^9 

brother who had just beer, wounded. I went to him and finding 
that his brother had been shot through the head, was uncon- 
scious and dying. I replied, " you know the orders, the ambulance 
corps is detailed to take care of all such cases, but as I know 
what it is to lose a brother under such circumstances, I cannot 
order you forward." I passed on and was about to enter the 
woods beyond the garden, when this brave man overtook me 
and remarked, "Here I am, General, I have thought over what 
you said and I am going to the front.'' He went quickly forward 
and I soon lost sight of him, as my presence was required on the 
right. I am sorry I cannot give you the name of this hero. I 
only know now that he belonged to the gallant old 7th. 

When we had closed with the enemy at the Jones House, 
McRae's brigade, which had been formed in our rear as a sup- 
port, rushed forward to participate in the fight. Some of my own 
command requested that they should be kept back as we did not 
need their assistance, but this was not done and the two brigades 
fought together for the rest of the day. 

About dark we fell back to the edge of the woods near the 
Jones House where w T e slept on our arms. Next morning we 
advanced through this w T oods and formed line of battle in full 
view of the enemy at the Pegram House. I was informed that 
our attack on the first of October was intended as a feint, and 
that the main attack would be made on the Squirrel Level Road 
nnder General Heth. Soon after our line was formed, Brander's 
artillery took position on our right and a little to our front, 
where it could rake the works then occupied by the enemy. 
Brander's fire was both destructive and demoralizing, and as the 
enemy were rushing back in great disorder, the ever vigilant 
and courageous VVooten dashed amongst them with his brave 
sharp-shooters and brought back twice as many prisoners as he 
had men. The main line then advanced and took possession of 
the works where they were subjected to a very annoying fire 
from a fort to our left and front. Though it was raining we held 
the works at the Pegram House until dark and .then returned 
to the line of works near the Jones House. 

The whole brigade behaved nobly in this fight and again 
proved themselves w r orthy of the high esteem of Gen. R. E. Lee. 

I send you a list of the casualties in my brigade in the cam- 
paigns of 1862, 1863 and 1864. They were made by Capt. E. J. 
Hale, Jr., and myself from official reports and from regimental 
and company lists of killed, wounded and missing, found 
amongst brigade papers after the war. 

James H. Lane. 


Southern Historical Monthly. 





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This list was made from 
published oflicial reports. 

The report of the last three 
fights gave only the aggre- 

The loss at Chaiiccllorsviile 
was one-third of the entire 

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Potomac " Campaign was 731 
out of an effective total of 
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Diary of a Young Lady. 2o3 


May 16. — The fighting commenced at Vicksburg. On the 17th 
the Federals advanced to take possession of the bridge over the 
Big Black. They were repulsed but crossed higher up and took 
us in the rear. Vicksburg is closely beseiged. 

May 25. — Vicksburg still stands. The latest from that city is 
that three assaults had been made upon the place, and each time 
the enemy had been signally repulsed. Three rousing cheers for 
the defenders of Vicksburg. Gen. Pemberton is in command. 

May 22. — A slight skirmish below Kinston, N. C. The Fed- 
erals attacked our outposts, and drove in our pickets to the en- 
trenchments at Gum Swamp. An unfortunate affair for the Con- 

May 27. — Vicksburg still holds out bravely. Gen. Joe John- 
ston ordered to the command of a part of our forces at that place. 
Our troops are confident and in high spirits. Gen. Grant com- 
mands the besieging army. 

June 1. — Dispatch dated Jackson : Grant demanded the sur- 
render of Vicksburg on Thursday last, giving three days. Pem- 
berton replied that he wanted but fifteen minutes and would die 
in the trenches first. 

June 8. — A private dispatch from Jackson : Vicksburg is all 
right. Gen. Kirby Smith is in possession of Wilkin's Bend. 

June 9. — The enemy crossed the Rappahannock this morning 
at five o'clock at various fords from Beverly to Kelly's, with a 
large force of cavalry accompanied by infantry and artillery. 
After a severe contest, lasting until o P. M., Gen. Stuart drove 
them across the river. We had only cavalry engaged. The 
enemy gained some advantages upon the first onset ; but upon 
the arrival of our reinforcements a desperate and sanguinary 
battle ensued. Much of the fighting was hand to hand. We 
have to mourn the loss of some of our gallant officers. 

June 13. — Gen. Ewell attacked the enemy at Winchester, on 
Saturday, fought them Sunday, renewed the attack on Monday 
morning at 4 o'clock. After a struggle of an hour, the Federal 
flag was lowered, and our victorious veterans took entire posses- 
sion, when the command of Milroy surrendered, six or seven 
hundred strong, wagons, equipments, artillery and teams. Our 

254- Southern Historical Monthly. 

loss in killed, wounded and missing is very slight. Col. Alberts 
in endeavoring to reinforce Milroy with two thousand men, was 
captured by Gen. Edward Johnston on Monday evening at Ber- 
ry ville. 

June 27th, — By an order of the War Department dated June 
27th, General Hooker is superceded by General Meade, who now 
commands the army of the Potomac. 

June 20th. — Another victory at Vicksburg. At 2 o'clock on 
this, the morning of the 20th, the enemy made a terrible assault 
upon our lines near Vicksburg. The action lasted until 10 
o'clock, ending in a complete route of the enemy. The enemy's 
loss is estimated to be heavier in this than in any other assault. 
We have sustained a heavy loss. 

June 30th. — The General Assembly of North Carolina called 
, together in extra session by order of Governor Vance. 

July 2d. — A portion of Gen. A. P. Hill's corps attacks the 
enemy five miles below Bettner's Bridge, and drives them within 
five mile > of the White House. No fears entertained in Rich- 
mond of a successful attack on the part of the enemy. General 
Lee's army is on the march northward, a part of it being in 
Maryland, and the residue in Pennsylvania. Nothing definite 
can be ascertained with regard to its movements. The only 
thing we have received which is entirely reliable is the following 
dispatch to the War Department from Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, dated 
June 27th : " I took possession of Fairfax Court House this 
morning at 9 o clock, with a large quantity of stores. The main 
body of Hooker's army has gone towards Leesburg, except the 
garrisons at Alexandria and Washington, which have retreated 
within the fortifications." 

(Signed) J. E. B. Stuart. 

July 1st — Fighting commenced at Gettysburg, Penn. The 
Federal army commanded by General Meade. The fighting on 
this day was principally between the corps of Longstreet and A. 
P. Hill. The victory was achieved by one of the most splendid 
movements of the war, on the part of Gen. A. P. Hill. He ordered 
his corps to retreat, thereby inducing the enemy to believe he was 
defeated, when they engaged in hot pursuit, he immediately or- 
dered his corps to form in line of battle and charge the enemy. 
It was entirely successful, and caused the enemy to be completely 
routed. The battle was the most successful of the war. After 
HilUs feint movement, Ewell and Longstreet advanced their 
right left wings surrounding the enemy. 

What was Said of thQ First Number. 

Letter from Jefferson Davis, late President Confederate States. 

Memphis, Tenn., 15th February, 1STG. 

Col. S. D. Pool — Dear Sir — I have this day received yours of the 10th instant. 
and by the same mail, the first number of the " Southern Historical Month- 
ly" Magazine came to hand. 

It was a great gratification to me to see how well you are laboring in the pious, 
patriotic task of preserving the evidence of the noble deeds done by our soldiers 
and sailors, in defence of a cause which can only be lost when the principles for 
which the war of the revolution was fought, and the rights it secured, shall have 
ceased to exist. 

Few of our people were writers and fewer still have since the war had leisure 
to write: therefore, the story of the war has been told by those who could not or 
would not do us justice. It is surely, for the common welfare, desirable that ail 
parts of the Union should know what there is of good in each. Demagogues who 
cater to sectional prejudice and inflame partizan passions by the perversion of 
truth are the worst and have been the most potent enemies of the purpose for 
which the States were united. Therefore I am glad to perceive that you are ex- 
ploring the early history of the Government, as well as the recent acts of the 
Southern peaple; that instruction and vindication may go together. 

Wishing for the Magazine great success in the collection and preservation of 
the material on which the history of our times must be based, and the judgment 
of posterity rendered, and with best wishes for yourself personally, 
I am sincerely, &c, 

Jefferson Dayis. 

Extract from Letter of Gen. Jubal A. Early, President Southern Historical Society. 
"lam much obliged to you for the copy of your first number, and am very 
much pleased with it. I trust that you may meet with success, and that the Mag- 
azine may become so firmly established as" to supply, what we very much need, 
an organ for the vindication of Southern views of the war." 

Extract from Letter of Gen. G. T. Beauregard. 

"I have read with pleasure the first number of the "Southern Historical 
Monthly" you have been kind enough to send me. If it be a fair specimen of 
the future numbers of this periodical, I have no doubt of its entire success. Its 
articles are weK selected, and as a war record, will be invaluable to all ex-Con- 

Extract from Letter of Oapt. John K Maffitt, of the Confederate War Steamer Florida. 
" It was my misfortune to be under the necessity (in Feb. 1865) of launching 
my mails, journals, &cl, overboard, when capture seemed inevitable, off Charles- 
ton. Unexpectedly I escaped. I am endeavoring to collect data' from shipmates 
and friends, to aid me in finishing the Cruise of the Florida. In a few 
weeks it is my hope to be able to furnish you with matters of interest, in regard 
to the Confederate Navv. 

*********** * * * * 

I consider the late Captain J. W. Cooke, of North Carolina, one of the most 
brilliant officers of the Confederate Navy. His energy in fitting out the Iron Clad 
Albemarle, and aiding in the capture of Plymouth— and then gallantly fighting 
the whole Federal squadron in Albemarle Sound was not surpassed during the 
war. Captain Cooke will be my first contribution." 

Extract fr<sm Letter of General Hamboy, Adjutant General of Tennessee. 
"I heartily wish you success. The Magazine sent me I very much appreciate. 
It supplies a vacancy in Southern literature long recognized by our people, and I 
trust your reward will be commensurate with its deserts." 

1876. Now is the-Time to Subscribe. 1878. 1 


"CHRISTIAN REID"— Miss Fisher, 

Author of "Morton House," "Valerie Aylmer," "A Question of 
Honor," &c. 

A New Volume Commenced with the. March No. 

1876. Aa Appeal for Our Lmnt anfl 0BrEeai_187B. 

The undersigned have learned, with much gratification, that it is the purpose 
of the Founder and Editor of " Our Living and Ouit Dead" to throw renewed 
and additional energy into its management, so that it shall be still more worthy of 
the noble and patriotic objects of its establishment. 

They can not too highly endorse the manner and spirit in which Col. Pool 
has conducted his needful and valuable enterprise; an enterprise which commends 
itself to every Southern heart, and pre-eminently to every North Carolinian, who 
reveres the memories of our gallant dead, or has a just appreciation of our living 
heroes and worthies, and who feels the glow of patriotic pride at the record of the 
achievements and the fame of both. 

A magazine which proposes to foster a feeling of State pride, which seeks to 
perpetuate the names and recollection of those who died for the honor of North 
Carolina, and to emblazon the deeds of those who, living, have shed lustre around 
her character, deserves, and should receive, a generous and remunerative support. 

For the sake of the object it has in view, of what it has already accomplished y 
and what it promises yet to accomplish, and for the sake of its own intrinsic 
merits and excellencies, we appeal to the people of the State to secure Col. Pool's 
patriotic undertaking by giving to "Our Living and Our Dead," immediate, 
practical and merited encouragement. 

W. R. Cox, 
Seaton Gales, 
Samuel Ashe, 
Geo. Allen, 
Chas. C. Clark, 
John S. Long, 


W. G. Lewis, 
Jno. S. Dancy, 
Jno. Phillips, 

W. M. PlPPEN, 

J. H. Baker, 
Fred. Nash. 

Wm. Johnston, 
Z. B. Vance, 
John E. Brown, 
E. A. Osborne, 
John Hughes, 
C Do wd, 

1876. Now is the-Time to Subscribe. 1876. 


"CHRISTIAN REID"— Miss Fisher, 

Author of "Morton House," "Valerie Aylmer," "A Question of 
Honor," <Xcc. 

A New Volume Commenced with the. March No. 

1876. Al Appal ffOlFLiTil it OrtaL 1876. 

The undersigned have learned, with much gratification, that it is the purpose 
of the Founder and Editor of " Our Living and Ouit Dead" to throw renewed 
and additional energy into its management, so that it shall be still more worthy of 
the noble and patriotic objects of its establishment. 

They can not too highly endorse the manner and spirit in which Col. Pool 
has conducted his needful and valuable enterprise; an enterprise which ca/nmends 
itself to every Southern heart, and pre-eminently to every North Carolinian, who 
reveres the memories of our gallant dead, or has a just appreciation of our living 
heroes and worthies, and who feels the glow of patriotic pride at the record of the 
achievements and the fame of both. 

A magazine which proposes to foster a feeling of State pride, which seeks to 
perpetuate the names and recollection of those who died for the honor of North 
Carolina, and to emblazon the deeds of those who, living, have shed lustre around 
her character, deserves, and should receive, a generous and remunerative support. 
For the sake of the object, it has in view, of what it has already accomplished ? 
and what it promises yet to accomplish, and for the sake of its own intrinsic 
merits and excellencies, we appeal to the people of the State to secure Col. Pool's 
patriotic undertaking by giving to "Our Living and Our Dead," immediate, 
practical and merited encouragement. 

N. J. Pittman, Wm. Johnston, 

W. G. Lewis, Z. B. Vance, 

Jno. S. Dancy, John E. Brown, 

Jno. Phillips, E. A. Osborne, 

W. M. Pippen, John Hughes, 

W. R Cox, 
Seaton Gales, 
Samuel Ashe, 
Geo. Allen, 
Chas. C. Clark, 
John S. Long, 

J. H. Baker, 
Fred. Nash. 

C. Dowd, 


Ilctleigh, JV. C, Feb. 15, 1877. 

The Prospectus on the last page of this cover will convey to the reader a just 
idea of the objects and designs of the publication. It is believed that the SOUTH 
EKN HISTORICAL MONTHLY wi.l supply a want long felt by Southern men 
- furnishing to them a proper and interesting medium for the communication 
of their views of the great questing which produced the war between the States, 
and the still greater political qucs ^ions which have agitated the people of the 
South since 18G5. 

We shall endeavor to make the Magazine entirely wot thy the patronage of the 
Southern people ; and of such great general value as will secure for it a large cir- 
.culatien at the North, especially among those, whatever rcfHy be their political 
proclivities, who desire to read Southern, as well as Northern,' views of the causes 
winch produced the war, the events which occurred in its progress, ftnd the re- 
sults of the failure of the Confederate States to establish a permanent government. 

The Historical Department of the Magazine shall contain reliable information, 
gathered from the most authentic sources, and the other departments shall be as 
full of interest to the general reader as skilled writers can make them. 

Our field is different from that now occupied by any publication in the South, 
and we confidently trust that its cultivation may prove a source of profit and 
pleasure to publisher, contributor and reader. 

• « 

Twelve months £4.00; Six months, $2.00. 


We will send postage paid, one , 

To every subscriber who will remit us $4.00 before the 1st of May one copy of 
the Monthly and one copy North Carolina Farmer ; 

For $8 two (3) copies of the Monthly, and one copy American Agriculturist ; 

For §12 three (;*) copies of the Monthly, and one copy of any $3 newspaper or 
magazine published in the U. S. ; 

For -M6 four (4) copies of the Monthly, and one copy of any $3 magazine ; 

For $20 five (o) copies of the Monthly, and one copy of any $4 magazine ; 

For s24 six (6) copies of the Monthly, and three volumes" of Our Living and 
Our Dead bound in cloth ; 

For $28 seven (7) copies of the Monthly, and three volumes of Our Living and 
Our Bead, bound in Half Calf, or The Daily Observer. 


One copy Southern Historical Monthly, and one copy any $3 newspaper 
or magazine, $5. 

Cne copy Southern" Historical Monthly, and one copy any $3 newspaper 
or magazine, $6. 

One copy Southern Historical Monthly, and one copy any $4 newspaper 
or magazine, *7. 

For c - Explanatory Note" see second page of Cover. 

Southern Historical Monthly 




mm MonilDv. 


I have commenced the publication of a Magazine devoted to the preservation 
of historical materials, and to the vindication of the people of the States known 
as Confederate in the late war, under the title of the 

Southern Historical Monthly. 

•The great popularity of " OUR LIVING AND OUR DEAD," published to vin- 
dicate North Carolina and to gather the precious memorabilia of the past, 1ms em- 
boldened the subscriber to undertake {he publication of a Magazine more general 
in its character, embracing the entire record made by the soldiers and sailors who 
fought under the i4 Stars and Bars" of the Confederate States. 

The Magazine will deal with the past. Its mission will be preservative Its pur- 
pose will not be to promote strife, to awaken sectional animosities, or to fan the 
flame of hate ; but with pious assiduity and care to preserve a true and full record 
of the sufferings, privations, fortitude and heroism of the people of the South, and 
of their unwavering devotion to a cause they sincerely believed to be just. 

It will bear faithful testimony, endeavoring to be fair and just to both friend 
and foe. In vindicating the actions and achievements of the South, no wrong will 
be done the North. The truth shall be so written that the labors of the historian 
of the war will be greatly facilitated. From its pages may be gathered such a 
Correct view of the great struggle that men of other generation-; and other coun- 
tries and peoples may know what were the great principles at stake, what deeds 
were done, and what were the strength and resources of the combatants. 

*Fhe Magazine will contain 128 pages, making two annual volumes 708 pages 
each. It will be printed on good paper, with new type. At least one half of each 
number will be devoted to the historical record, and the remaining pari to litera- 
ture, including stories, essays, poetry, criticisms, &c. Its contributors will be 
Southern gentlemen and ladies with established reputations in letters. 

Terms — s4 00 per annum, postage prepaid; single copies 35 cents. 

As the magazine will certainly appear at the time mentioned, remittances may 
be made at once by all who desire to begin with the first number. 

An extra copy will be sent to any one sending u> eight names with the cash. For 
$35.00 we will send ten copies; for §65.00 we will send twenty copies. 

Active agents wanted in every town and county throughout the entire South. 


1 month. 

months. 6 months.: 12 months. 

One square 

One-fourth pa<: 
One-half page, 
One page , 


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$ 5 oo 

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$ 15 00 

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00 00 

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fER, INDIANA 46962